Tuesday, 19 March 2013

AUNG SAN SUU KYI: BURMA’S ROBERT MUGABE

AUNG SAN SUU KYI: BURMA’S ROBERT MUGABE

By Roland Watson
March 19, 2013
http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/suukyimugabe.pdf

Robert Mugabe is the dictator of Zimbabwe. It wasn’t always this way.
Zimbabwe was formerly a British colony, called Rhodesia. Mugabe in his
younger years was a freedom fighter. He spent ten years as a political
prisoner. He led the Zimbabwe African National Union. In 1979, the
Rhodesia Bush War ended, and the following year he was elected Prime
Minister. He remains in power, to this day.

Mugabe was viewed as a hero. But as he aged he became autocratic, and
determined not to yield his rule. Now in his fourth decade of power,
Zimbabwe has suffered immeasurably, and is one of the least developed and
most repressive nations in the world.

Mugabe is also known to be prejudiced against a number of the ethnic
groups of Zimbabwe, who as a consequence have independence aspirations. He
has had close relations with China since the last year of the war. China
is now a major investor in Zimbabwe, and workers at Chinese projects are
subject to the worst forms of exploitation. The international community in
turn has applied only limited pressure for change. The U.N., for example,
was recently criticized by its own investigators for downplaying a cholera
epidemic in the country.

Now, for Burma watchers, this probably sounds all too familiar, even like
deja vu. Substitute the name Suu Kyi for Mugabe, and little other than the
location needs to be changed. Burma was a British colony as well. Suu Kyi
backs - or at a minimum refuses to condemn - the regime’s aggression
against the country’s ethnic nationalities. She is also a huge supporter
of China, and has even stood by Beijing in the Letpadaung mine crisis
against members of her own ethnic group, the Burmans. And lastly, she is
the international community’s darling, with the U.N. recently even
allowing its aid caravans to Kachin refugees to be used as cover for the
Burma Army to infiltrate reinforcements to the front. (The U.N. is truly a
collection of Useless Nations.)

Suu Kyi’s evolution

The evolution of Suu Kyi from democracy icon to autocrat has followed a
similar route. In fact, I have always been suspicious of her, and even
criticized her in my first press release eleven years ago, for her belief
that one can accomplish real change by negotiating with a gang of serial
killers. My criticism at the time though was extremely deferential. The
subjects of personality cults must be approached carefully. The
consequences of her wrong-headed policy are now so severe, however, that
she must be confronted head-on.

Suu Kyi has never acted like a real pro-democracy advocate, and not only
because of her adherence to a dogmatic form of pacifism that even Gandhi
would reject. There are many pro-democracy movements around the world, and
they all share common traits. Foremost of these is that the people resist
- they press for change. Suu Kyi has never called for pressure against the
military - far from it, not even after the generals stole the 1990
election, when she could have asked ordinary soldiers - who backed her -
to change sides. And, as far as I know, she has never hoisted the Fighting
Peacock banner. She is not her father’s daughter.

Indeed, during her trips around the country, they seemed more like
self-glorification events, with her standing as an empress on a balcony,
waving to the crowd. She did not go to clandestine meetings to organize an
underground resistance. And, she made no attempts to meet - she never even
mentioned - the ethnic nationality resistance groups.

Then, starting last year, her real nature became openly apparent. She and
she alone commanded the NLD to enter the by-election, through which she
became an MP. She then stopped advocating for the release of political
prisoners, which had been her only tangible pro-democracy activity.
Following this she went on to back the regime in its war with the Kachin,
and its ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. Now, with Letpadaung, she has
even turned on her own people.

She said: “Why do they want the mountain?,” and “Those who do not respect
the rule of law, they get punished.” The latter comment is amazing,
because she apparently considers the military mafia that runs the country
legitimate, and the ordinary people who oppose it criminals, and who
through her statement she has now threatened.

The villagers responded: “We want our Letpadaung mountain”; “Her report is
like a death sentence for the people”; “All the love for you, it’s
nothing”; and “We feel bad for General Aung San’s name.”

The significance of her earlier comment to the Wall Street Journal, when
she said of the general public, “we’ve told them what they need to know,”
should also not be underestimated. She has now transformed this to: “They
must do what I say.” In other words, she is now, openly, a dictator.

Suu Kyi’s ignorance

Suu Kyi, who formerly supported the U.S. sanctions against business
investment in Burma, is now exploitative development’s loudest
cheerleader. Indeed, she called the villagers at Letpadaung ignorant, for
not accepting that they should unquestionably sacrifice themselves for
Burma’s supposed greater good. But here I can no longer compromise the
demand for intellectual honesty; I must state the unvarnished truth. It is
Suu Kyi and her cultish followers - who have repeated her statements - who
are the ones that are ignorant. And, by ignorant, I mean uneducated, not
hopelessly stupid.

Suu Kyi is ignorant because, first, she does not understand human rights.
The Rohingya issue is not about citizenship. It is about human rights.
Rohingya children are dying of disease right now in the regime’s
concentration camps. This is an atrocity, and which must be opposed in the
strongest terms by anyone who professes to stand for human rights.
Furthermore, the positions of the Kachin, Shan, Karenni, Karen and other
ethnic nationality peoples are not equivalent to the Burma Army’s. The
Army is the aggressor. The ethnic groups are the victims. Understanding
human rights means not only understanding the set of rights that we
possess through being alive; it also requires the ability to distinguish
between those groups who seek to deprive others of their rights, and the
self-defense actions of the victims in response. Suu Kyi is more than just
a politician positioning for a future election. She clearly does not grasp
any of this.

She is further ignorant about development, which as it is now being
practiced in Burma is yet another type of deprivation of rights. She says
yes to land thefts, and no to protest. That is her development policy. She
further says that outstanding contracts which enshrine the thefts are
sacrosanct, and must be followed. She believes that business in Burma
should be for the benefit of regime cronies, China, Singapore, and Western
investors, not the local people. She is also ignorant of the fact that all
outstanding contracts with the regime should be suspended, and then
reviewed, and either renegotiated, or cancelled if there is no way to make
them supportive of the people. More than anything she is ignorant of the
fact that what Burma needs first and foremost is political development,
starting with freedom from tyranny, then democracy - real democracy, and
then the rule of law, a real, functioning rule of law, after which
commercial development might be considered. She is a charlatan for trying
to dupe the people of Burma into believing that this order can somehow be
turned around.

Burma needs political development, and social development, including
sufficient food, clean water, schools and clinics, and only after this
economic. And for economic development, the initial focus should be on
food production and small scale, environmentally-friendly industry,
including resource extraction.

The corruption of Aung San Suu Kyi

Now, the question remains, why did she reverse course from at least
preserving the face of advocating for democracy, to openly opposing it?
The answer to this is simple. She has become corrupted.

First, she has been corrupted by power. A developing Burma, even if most
if not all of the development is bad, means fast and big change, and with
her at the center. Suu Kyi clearly does not want to disappear into the
background, and the only way to ensure her status, she apparently
believes, is to embrace the change. This is the deal with the devil that
she has made with the International Community.

Secondly, she is now being corrupted by money as well, which is the
standard definition of the term. People have been calling on her to
present a detailed and well-reasoned set of policies for Burma for some
time. But from the recent NLD congress, no such platform emerged. One of
the few specific policies which was published, though, according to
Xinhua, is to “cooperate in exploring business undertakings which bring
mutual benefit to countries, especially that benefit local people.”

The last clause is hogwash, given what has just happened at Letpadaung,
but the main policy is telling. It implies that the NLD is about to go
into business. And, speaking sarcastically, why shouldn’t it? With the
Burma Gold Rush underway, why shouldn’t the NLD profit, too, including at
the expense of the local people?

It is public knowledge that Senior General Than Shwe’s closest cronies are
now funding the NLD. It wouldn’t be surprising if the NLD name, in some
form, soon appears on business contracts with these cronies as well.
Indeed, Suu Kyi can put her huge Peace Prize award to work as well. I’m
sure the cronies will give her a significant holding for a song. She
should be asked, point blank: Has she used any of the prize money to make
business investments, and if so, with whom?

I would also not rule out - at all - the possibility that she - or her
associates, have not only been offered, but taken, actual bribes, in
exchange for toeing the USDP line.

The Suu Kyi cult

Another question concerning her about face is why did she feel confident
doing it? How was she so certain that the people would follow her? The
answer to this is that she fully understands - indeed, she has cultivated
- the near god-like status with which many people revere her.

Relative to the issue of economic development, there are now a number of
different groups in Burma. For starters, there are the people who reject
it, who believe that the change is false - Than Shwe’s puppet show - and
that the best policy is to go slow and to continue to resist. This
includes many ethnic nationality leaders and most ethnic nationality
people; NLD escapees (but not the National Democratic Force); and largely
Burman resistance groups such as the ABFSU. An open question is where 88
Generation stands.

Next is the go fast crowd, including opportunists both Burman and ethnic
nationality. While this group manifests the relief at the minor positive
changes that the regime has allowed in central Burma, it mainly derives
from the selfish motivations of these people to profit personally from the
change. Indeed, many opportunists are so corrupted that if the police were
to torture a monk to death in broad daylight at Shwedagon Pagoda, they
wouldn’t even look up from their tea leaf salads at the Strand Hotel.

Finally, there is the Suu Kyi cult, who don’t understand or for that
matter even care about what is going on. Their allegiance to her is
complete. They will follow her anywhere, and ignore any misstep, and also
critical press such as this. Moreover, they will rise to her defense and
in an aggressive and expletive-filled way.

This cult is the real source of her power, and for Burma to advance it
must be reduced in size. Now, the Letpaduang affair will certainly make a
dent. And since Suu Kyi will no doubt continue her authoritarian ways,
there will be more Letpadaungs in the future. But cults are strong. They
last. And the reason for this is that the members are brainwashed. They
therefore need to be deprogrammed, one by one.

The five steps in the standard method of cult deprogramming are listed
below (source: Wikipedia). Everyone in Burma who is not a Suu Kyi cult
member should do everything they can - they should become deprogrammers -
to help those who are.

1. The figure of authority - the cult leader - needs to be discredited. 2.
This is done by highlighting the contradictions between the ideology and
the reality of the situation.
3. The cult follower then needs to be pushed to the breaking point. When
the follower begins to listen to the deprogrammer, this is when reality
starts to take precedence over ideology.
4. The follower needs to speak out: to engage in self-expression. He or
she needs to open up and voice complaints against the cult.
5. Finally, the follower needs to change his or her self-identification.
This is when the follower begins to identify with the deprogrammers, and
starts to think of him- or herself as an opponent of the cult, rather than
a member of it.

A related problem is the “false” cult of Suu Kyi by the International
Community. The countries of the world, and many big NGOs, are her acolytes
as well. This is the case even though they understand that her positions
are retrograde. They just want access to the Gold Rush that she has
enabled.

It is up to activists to oppose this aspect of the cult, at least in
democratic countries where they might have some leverage. But, even these
countries, such as the U.S., are not real democracies, since corporations
- which definitely help propagate the cult - have much better access to
policymakers than activists.

Justice for her crimes

One point of attack against the Suu Kyi cult inside Burma is the belief
that she has sacrificed so much for the country. But, is this really the
case? Certainly her father was assassinated, and she spent a very long
time under house arrest - in a comfortable house. How does this stack up
to the experiences of other, normal people of the country?

I believe that many, many people have sacrificed far more than her, and
who in general get no credit, or support - certainly no prizes - at all.
This includes all of the political prisoners who had to suffer in Insein
Prison and the dozens of others prisons, living in cells unsuitable for
dogs, and who underwent such great torture that many of them died or
became mentally unhinged. To them, I would add all of the ethnic
nationality soldiers, who have had to sleep on bamboo platforms covered
with banana leaves, and risk their lives fighting a numerically superior
force. For that matter, we can add all the villagers, such as those at
Letpadaung, who have been driven from their land, including the many who
have had family members murdered by the regime in the process. Sacrifice
is a relative concept. Suu Kyi has sacrificed, certainly, but her
sacrifice has been in no way exceptional compared to so many other people
of the country.

And now, she has turned against them, derides them, and has actually
threatened them. Not only is she refusing to pursue justice for the
people, she wants them to give up even more.

This is an outrage. The people deserve justice for the wrongdoings of Aung
San Suu Kyi. While the chances are slim that she can ever be prosecuted,
either in Burma or at the International Criminal Court, her behavior
should be closely examined to see if it rises to the level of conspiracy
and even criminal collaboration. Her basic crimes once again are covering
for the use of fire bombs - chemical weapons - by the police against the
Letpadaung protestors; her open if tacit support of the ethnic cleansing
against the Rohingya, which is a crime against humanity; and her backing
of the Burma Army, which has committed countless war crimes, in some cases
also involving chemical weapons, in its aggression against many other
ethnic nationalities. There is no shortage of possibilities to
investigate.

Conclusion

Outside of the actions of the dictatorship, under Ne Win, Saw Maung and
Than Shwe, I believe the worst thing that has happened for Burma since
1962 has been the rise of Suu Kyi, together with her receipt of the Nobel
Peace Prize. This award enshrined an accidental and half-hearted advocate
as a national leader. It is a handicap that has hobbled the country for
the last twenty years.

The Nobel Peace Prize in any case is a sentence of death to a
pro-democracy movement. This is because when it is given to individuals in
dictatorial countries, they are either pacifists who will not push for
real change, or they are in actual bed with the regime. The Prize
Committee will not select anyone who backs strong, much less
revolutionary, measures.

Notwithstanding his many outstanding qualities, an example of the first is
the Dalai Lama, whose pacifism has so blocked the movement for freedom in
Tibet that dissident monks have been reduced to despair, and
self-immolation as their only form of protest. Similarly, many forceful
pro-democracy activists for China consider both Peace Prize winner Liu
Xiaobo and last year’s Literature Prize winner Mo Yan, as apologists for
the CCP, which is ironic since Mr. Liu now finds himself under arrest.

But, returning to Burma, in addition to Suu Kyi, we should also consider
the evolution of her organization. One can say that the National League
for Democracy is misnamed, because it rolled over when the 1990 election
was stolen, and has never pushed forcefully for democracy ever since. Now
the NLD has transformed itself into the National League for Development,
since this seems to be the only issue it is really promoting. But, since
Suu Kyi’s recent actions are so extreme, backing the police and China
against fire-bombed monks and farmers, perhaps the correct name is the
National League for Dictatorship. However, if you add in the underlying
racism, not only against the Rohingya, but against the other ethnic groups
as well, probably the best name of all is the RLD, the Racist League for
Dictatorship.

Burma can’t possibly undergo real progress with Suu Kyi as the leader. Of
course, she is not the leader. She’s just a willing stooge of the latest
incarnation of the military junta, the National Defense and Security
Council, which now rules the country from behind the scenes.

In conclusion, the people in Zimbabwe are waiting for Robert Mugabe to
die. The country has no chance at freedom until he does. The people of
Burma should not have to do the same thing with Suu Kyi. While it is also
unlikely that she will disappear from the political scene, her status must
be reduced. Burma pro-democracy activists should work hard to change her
role, so that she is only the head of the Suu Kyi party, and which is but
one of many.

I gather that Burma may be close to seeing bonfires made from Suu Kyi’s
posters. If and when this happens, I hope the fires are well publicized. I
can only say, the sooner we see them, the better.

Sunday, 17 March 2013

Myanmar military must go: Win Tin

News > Asia

Win Tin

 13 Mar 2013 

Myanmar will never be a democracy until the military fully relinquishes power, according to a veteran pro-democracy campaigner who believes that Aung San Suu Kyi is too conciliatory towards the former junta.
Win Tin speaks to reporters after his release from Yangon's Insein Prison, on Sept 23, 2008. The senior NLD figure still wears a blue shirt, the colour of his prison uniform, and says he will not wear any other colour until every political prisoner in Myanmar is free. (Reuters photo)
Win Tin, 83, was tortured and kept in solitary confinement for 19 years after he was arrested and imprisoned in 1989 for inciting “anti-government propaganda”.

The senior National League for Democracy (NLD) figure said that the party’s leader, Mrs Suu Kyi, isn’t going far enough in efforts to push through reforms following five decades of military rule.
“Some of us would like to push the military into the Bay of Bengal. She only wants to push them into Kandawgyi Lake,” he told the Washington Post in an interview published on Wednesday, referring to a lake in the centre of Yangon.

“She thinks she can persuade all the military leaders to become her friends and come to her side.
“But people suffered a lot [under military rule]. Without pushing the military out, we won’t achieve any democracy, any human rights.”
Despite his concerns, Mr Win Tin said that he respects Mrs Suu Kyi and strongly believes in her commitment to democracy. He added that while he has reservations about her tactics, if anyone can tame the generals, she can.

The military’s grip on control of Myanmar loosened in 2011, with nods made to democracy by President Thein Sein, including the release of political prisoners and elections that saw Mrs Suu Kyi elected to parliament.
Mr Win says that despite the reforms, Myanmar remains far from reaching his democratic ideals.
“Although I am a free man, I feel my whole country is still in jail,” he said
“There are no great prison walls, but we are still in chains.”
Myanmar’s constitution was re-written in 2010, guaranteeing the military a quarter of parliamentary seats, allowing it to declare a state of emergency and to dismiss a democratically elected government.
Mrs Suu Kyi would be blocked from becoming president, even if the NLD were to win an election.
“Some of us would like to withdraw this constitution and create a new one,” Mr Win said.
Myanmar scrapped pre-publication censorship rules in August 2012, ending controls that applied to everything from newspapers to song lyrics, and will permit private daily newspapers to be printed from April 1.
Media groups reacted with dismay earlier this month, however, over a proposed law to regulate the press that has raised fears the government could be reneging on its promise to loosen its grip on the long-shackled industry.

The printing and publishing bill, drafted by the ministry of information, has listed a number of restrictions, including reporting on clashes between ethnic groups and producing articles that "violate" the constitution.
Mr Win, who writes an uncensored weekly column and broadcasts a weekly radio show that mocks the government, the military and their business allies, said that the media should push for greater freedom.
“Many journalists, many politicians may think the situation they are in is good enough,” he said.
“They are quite contented, and they do not want to attack the government. They don’t want to be outspoken. That is a problem.”
source-Bangkok Post

Saturday, 16 March 2013

Boatpeople 'Shooting' Leaves Big Questions

''The Rohingya, an ethnic group that the whole world has forgotten''

Boatpeople 'Shooting' Leaves Big Questions

Thursday, March 14, 2013
HINLAD, Phang Nga: A fisherman told today for the first time of having a gun pointed at him by a military officer in a controversial incident that led to the deaths of an unknown number of boatpeople north of Phuket.

Fisherman Yutdhana Sangtong said today that four other fishermen were in the boat when the gun was pointed at him. They were ordered to leave. ''Go away. These people have been fed already. Get out,'' he says he was told at gunpoint.

Later, he heard a volley of gunshots, In the days that followed, Khun Yutdhana says, he found three bodies in the water nearby. Other fishermen around the district reported finding more bodies along the coast, around the village of Hinlad.

''One of the three bodies I found was a woman,'' Khun Yutdhana said today. ''My friends on the other side of the bay said they saw other bodies. We have compared notes. We think we saw 15 to 20 bodies altogether.''

Khun Yutdhana had gone to the Rohingya boat that morning, off a beach not far from Hinlad, on February 22, before sunrise. He wanted to help by giving the 130 Rohingya passengers on board some water. He was shocked at having the gun pointed at him. So were the other four people in the boat, he says.

But the fishermen did what they were told and soon after resumed their pursuit of crabs among the mangroves. ''Within an hour, we heard the gunfire,'' Khun Yutdhana said.

Later, Khun Yutdhana said today, he was surprised to see the Rohingya boat being towed north. He thought the intention had been for the passengers to be brought ashore for a meal before being set free to sail on, towards the south and Malaysia.

The dawn brought more surprises. ''We saw a Rohingya alive in the water,'' said Khun Yutdhana, ''and we pulled him up.''

Until now, the military and the villagers of Hinlad and around the port of Kuraburi have had a strong working relationship. What happened in the water off Tung Nang Dam beach early that day threatens to seriously damage that relationship.

Two versions of what happened have been told publicly. The boatpeople who jumped for their lives and survived have given their version. So have the villagers who heard the gunshots and later rescued Rohingya from the water.

The villagers of Hinlad - and Muslim villagers all along the Andaman Sea coast - are now waiting to hear what the military has to say.

The Boatpeople Survivors' Account


Based on information supplied to Phuketwan and ABC Australia journalists by four Rohingya who survived the incident on February 22 and stayed in Hinlad for two weeks before going to Malaysia.

HEADING south, fleeing racism and oppression in Burma, the 130 people on the Rohingya boat ran out of fuel. On February 21 fishermen towed them to a beach on Surin island, a popular destination for diving, off the Andaman coast.

Back on the mainland, the women in the village of Hinlad prepared meals for the Rohingya and they were taken out to the boatpeople, who gratefully accepted them. Later that day, the patrol boat TOR 214 arrived. Some of the Rohingya fled at the sight of the authorities.

But they returned when the villagers told them, through a Bengali interpreter, that there was nothing to fear. The military would help them to the mainland to be properly fed. The boatpeople, including six women and two young children, were relieved to hear they were in safe hands.

Surin residents alerted the people of Hinlad that the boat would be arriving back at Kuraburi Pier. The womenfolk cooked a meal for the boatpeople. The 10pm arrival time came and went. At midnight, they decided not to wait and longer. They went home.

The boatpeople said that instead of being taken to Kuraburi pier, they were taken to a more remote beach. Before dawn about 20 or more were ordered to leave their relatively large boat for a much smaller vessel. Those who were ordered to leave had no idea what was going on. They did not want to be separated from the friends and family with whom they sailed from Burma.

A shot was fired into the air, apparently to warn them there would be more trouble if they did not do what they were told. In a panic in the dark and having no understanding of the Thai language, one or two men jumped into the water. Others followed.

Many more shots were fired. One of the survivors said he was sure he saw at least one man, shot dead in the water.

The survivors were rescued by fishermen.

The Hinlad Villagers' Account


Villagers have told their accounts to Phuketwan journalists in a long series of interviews over two trips made to Hinlad

RECENTLY the villagers in and around Kuraburi have encountered hundreds of Rohingya sailing south, past Thailand. The villagers have developed a deep sympathy for the people in the boats, not just because they are fellow Muslims, but because they have heard the nightmarish tales of life in Burma, of villagers being burned from their homes, of rape and of race-hate.

Hinlad is one of several villages along Thailand's Andaman Sea coast where the boatpeople have learned, through feedback from people who have already made the journey, that they can expect to find sympathy and comfort.

The villagers have never been entirely satisfied with Thailand's treatment of the Rohingya, which of late involves ''helping them on'' towards Malaysia. If they had their way, Thailand would be far more generous and caring.

Strictly speaking, the Rohingya are not allowed to land in Thailand. But this year, with women and children among the men and boys for the first time, compassionate men in uniform and the sympathetic villagers have usually done their best to make sure that food, water and whatever the boatpeople need is provided.

Because the countries of Asean allow Burma to drive into the sea its unwanted Rohingya population by the thousands, without interfering, the military along the Andaman coast and the villagers are kept busy, tending to Burma's stateless outcasts.

Thailand also never deals with the issue at its heart, in Burma, so the exodus continues, with the patrol boats and the villagers picking up the pieces as best they can.

In Hinlad, sympathy for the boatpeople has grown to the point where a Rohingya vessel has been propped up in a park near the local mosque and emblazoned with the words in Thai: ''The Rohingya, an ethnic group that the whole world has forgotten.''

Little wonder, then, that whatever happened on that dark morning 20 days ago has stirred the village as never before and caused them, as loyal Thai citizens, to question both the actions of their own military and the policy of their own government.

The Thai Navy's Account


THERE is no account of what happened on February 21 and February 22 so far from the Royal Thai Navy because, according to statements from senior officers, nothing happened. This brick wall ''no comment'' flies in the face of logic and the best interest of the Navy especially. The accusations that something untoward happened come not just from Rohingya boatpeople who survived the incident but from Thai villagers who have, until now, worked wholeheartedly with the military.

The villagers all along the coast have long maintained deep suspicions that some of the military have been working with people-traffickers. A senior officer in the Navy has admitted as much. But there have been no further details.

Just why did the military tow the Rohingya boat to an isolated part of the coast then order 20 or more people to move to a second, smaller boat? Where did the military vessel tow the large Rohingya boat, and where are those 110 people now? Why did the military on the boat feel it was necessary to fire a volley of shots that were heard by fisherman and villagers for kilometres around?

The Navy and other arms of the military and police along the Andaman coast are saying nothing, because nothing happened. There was no incident. In the light of what others are saying, that is a far from convincing response.

The February 22 Incident: A Conclusion


WHETHER or not a number of Rohingya boatpeople were shot or drowned needlessly in the waters off Thailand's Andaman Sea coast, one thing is certain: the Navy and other arms of the military must provide a detailed account of what took place.

Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra has already guaranteed the international media an investigation. Her promise must be kept. The military's blanket denial works against its own best interests.

Everyone understands that the boatpeople are Burma's problem. However, unless the Burmese government is forced to find a realistic solution, the military and the villagers along Thailand's Andaman coast will continue to share that problem.

It has long been recognised that the Rohingya issue, if not resolved within Burma, has the potential to inflame passions elsewhere in the region. The military would be well advised to listen to the Thai citizens of Hinlad and to heed what they have to say about the limits of tolerance.

Villagers' Video Shows Boatpeople




Television Report from ABC Australia


THE ABC learns of claims that the Thai military shot Rohingya asylum seekers fleeing conflict in western Burma.
http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-03-08/accusations-thai-military-shot-fleeing-refugees/4562006/

A military vessel connects with a Rohingya boat

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Would-be refugees on a beach at Surin island

allowfullscreen>

Other stories

Boatpeople Deaths North of Phuket: Navy Probably Trafficked Hundreds And Sank Boats, Say Villagers

Boatpeople Deaths North of Phuket: Navy Probably Trafficked Hundreds And Sank Boats, Say Villagers

Rights Group Demands Inquiry into Boatpeople 'Shooting' North of Phuket

Rights Group Demands Inquiry into Boatpeople 'Shooting' North of Phuket

Rohingya Boatpeople Cannot Be Left to Battle Unfair Odds

Rohingya Boatpeople Cannot Be Left to Battle Unfair Odd

UN concerned after probe shows Thai troops shot at Rohingya

Column
Saturday, 16 March, 2013 [Updated: 03:05]

High Commissioner for Refugees says it is "gravely concerned" after its investigation shows troops fired as boatpeople fled


Investigations by the UN's refugee agency have confirmed that Thai authorities opened fire as they were moving Rohingya boatpeople, sparking a warning that it was now "gravely concerned" by the situation.
A statement issued last night by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees said its staff had interviewed boatpeople near the resort of Phuket as well as some 121 boatpeople who arrived in Aceh, Indonesia, four days after the incident, which reportedly took place on February 22.

"According to converging accounts, at least three shots were fired during the interception, but the information is conflicting as to whether these were warning shots or actually aimed at the passengers," the statement said.
"Survivors and local fishermen near Phuket said two dead bodies were recovered from the sea, though it was unclear if the cause of death was shooting or drowning."
Survivors and local fishermen near Phuket said two dead bodies were recovered from the sea, though it was unclear if the cause of death was shooting or drowning
 
Recent reports in the South China Morning Post - based on survivors' and local villagers' accounts and photographic evidence - have detailed the deaths of at least two boatpeople.
The shootings occurred when Thai military personnel tried to separate around 130 refugees between two boats. Some Rohingya refused to obey the troops' orders. When one soldier fired a warning shot, about 20 jumped overboard.

The troops then opened fire at those in the water, according to survivors and witnesses from the village of Hinlad, near the port of Kuraburi. One fisherman said he and others saw 15 to 20 corpses floating close to Hinlad soon after.
The Thai navy has denied the reports without elaboration. Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra said government policy was to treat the Rohingya humanely and vowed to investigate.
The statement by the UN's refugee agency said it was "gravely concerned that people fleeing unrest could have been turned away and exposed to further distress in their search for safety.
"We are seeking access to such boats intercepted in the high seas," the statement added.
Agency officials have previously described Myanmar's Rohingya - a conservative Muslim minority - as some of the most persecuted people anywhere, traditionally denied normal citizenship rights, including even marriage or work, despite having lived in Rakhine state for centuries. The UNHCR estimates that around 7,000 Rohingya have taken to boats to flee in the first two months of the year, with most believed to be heading to south and southeast Asia.

About 1,800 boatpeople have been accepted on Thai soil and given shelter and assistance pending longer term solutions, the UNHCR said, which added it welcomed the move.
Some 320 people on two boats have been picked up off Malaysia in the last week, with the UNHCR saying they believed them to be Rohingya in need of international protection.
Thai authorities have also adopted a policy of "helping on" Rohingya boats caught in local waters, providing them with fuel, food and water on condition that they do not land in Thailand.
Earlier, Thai security forces operated a secret policy of towing the Rohingya out to sea in unpowered boats and casting them adrift. Hundreds died in 2008 and 2009 before the policy was exposed and repudiated.
This article first appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition on Mar 16, 2013 as Thailand shooting alarms UN agency.

BIO

Chief Asia correspondent Greg Torode is one of the most experienced reporters in the region. In his 20 years at the SCMP, Torode has spent 15 years as a correspondent, travelling extensively to report political, strategic and security developments. The way the region is adapting to China’s rise has formed a key part of his work. His exclusive stories and analyses are widely followed by regional and international media.

Human Rights Council: Maintain Scrutiny of Burma

For Immediate Release

Human Rights Council: Maintain Scrutiny of Burma
International Pressure Needed on Minority Rights, Political Prisoners, Laws

(Geneva, March 11, 2013) – The United Nations Human Rights Council should retain its current level of scrutiny of Burma’s still poor human rights situation, Human Rights Watch said today.

The draft resolution on Burma for the council’s present session should continue the mandate of the special rapporteur on Burma under Item 4 of the council’s agenda to ensure monitoring and reporting on human rights developments in the country. Agenda Item 4 is for situations that require the council’s continuing attention.

“The Human Rights Council’s support for reform in Burma should not veil international concern about continued serious abuses in the country,” said Julie de Rivero, Geneva director at Human Rights Watch. “The council should endorse continued monitoring and reporting on Burma to move human rights reform forward and address the many challenging human rights issues that remain.”

The recently released report of the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, outlines continued challenges to improve the rights of Rohingya Muslims, end grave violations of the laws of war in Kachin State, ensure humanitarian aid reaches populations in need, and reform or revoke rights-abusing laws. President Thein Sein, who is visiting Europe, and government representatives at the council continue to deny independent findings of continuing abuses in Burma, including those described in the Quintana report, Human Rights Watch said.

Pledges made by Thein Sein on November 19, 2012, on the eve of a visit to Rangoon by US President Barack Obama, included a promise to invite the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to establish an office in Burma, implement a mechanism to review the cases of political prisoners still in prison, end violence in Arakan State and hold accountable those responsible for attacks, and permit the International Committee of the Red Cross to resume prison visits and monitor conflict areas.

“The Human Rights Council should call for the fulfilment of these reform pledges and recognize that it has a prominent role to play monitoring their implementation,” de Rivero said. “Downgrading the scrutiny of the UN human rights body that has contributed so much to the current reforms would be premature and potentially disruptive of this fledgling process.”


Human Rights Watch urged the Human Rights Council to call on the government of Burma to take the following steps to further the reform process:

  • Sign a memorandum of understanding on the establishment of an office of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the country that has a full mandate for rights monitoring, protection, and technical assistance;

  • Fulfill the pledge to release remaining political prisoners and fully support the work of the political prisoner review mechanism established by the government in February;

  • Take all necessary measures to end human rights abuses that continue to be committed by the military, most notably in Kachin State, and hold accountable those responsible for such abuses;

  • Set a clear target date for the review of existing laws, decrees, and regulations that have been used to prosecute peaceful dissidents and otherwise violate fundamental rights, with the aim to revoke them or bring them into compliance with international human rights standards; and

  • Fulfill the pledge to “pursue sustainable political solutions that address efficient governance and rights of ethnic nationalities” in Burma. Addressing this issue should include amending the 1982 Citizenship Law, whose discriminatory provisions have been used to deny citizenship to most Rohingya Muslims and other minority groups. 

“The council should not let the government sweep the issue of minority rights under the rug,” de Rivero said. “This includes revising the 1982 Citizenship Law to end discrimination against Rohingya Muslims.”

To view the Human Rights Watch report “‘The Government Could Have Stopped This’: Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State,” please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/07/31/government-could-have-stopped

To view the Human Rights Watch World Report 2013 Burma chapter, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/01/burma-rights-abuses-endanger-reform

Tuesday, 26 February 2013

Rohingya Citizenship a Burmese Decision: Suu Kyi to Foreign Critics

 Comment -
Suu Kyi should learn History and do home work first to say something about Rohingyas's existence .Rohingya's inhabitant in Arakan was more ancient than her Bama ethnic.  Rohingya law makers were colleagues of her father General Aung San.In 1947 ,19 July General Aung San had a schedule meeting in the evening with Rohingya leaders .Unfortunately he along with some cabinet members were assassinated  in the morning meeting on the same 19 July 1947.If he was not assassinated in the morning ,Rohingya leaders Mr Abdul Gaffar,Mr Sultan Ahamed's fate would be the same. 
    Rohingyas are not begging any Rights from Thien Sein and Suu Kyi. They are fighting for regaining their lost Rights that were cunningly stolen by successive Military rgime.
      When other Noble Prize winners  are voicing out for Rohingya's legitimate Rights ,Suu Kyi shamelessly take it to other direction .She is a racist. she is siding all the times when ethnic issues such as Rohingya and Kachin arise.
     She is very dangerous to be good for the non Bamas.

Maung Kyaw Nu,
A former political prisoner of conscience,
BURMA

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NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma’s Parliament. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)
NAYPYIDAW—Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said that Burma “must decide for itself” whether or not to grant citizenship to the Muslim minority Rohingya, but she added that the government “should listen” to foreign experts and uphold international standards in its citizenship laws.

Suu Kyi was responding to criticism by Jose Ramos-Horta, the former president of Timor Leste, and Muhammad Yunus, founder of microfinance institution Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, who wrote in The Huffington Post on Feb. 20 that Burma should amend its laws and grant the Rohingya “full citizenship.”

The two Nobel Peace Prize laureates said Burma was failing to address the ongoing “ethnic cleansing” of the group in Arakan State, western Burma. Other international rights workers have previously also called on Burma to accept Rohingya citizenship.
A 1982 Citizenship Law, introduced by Burma’s military regime, excluded the Rohingya from the recognized 135 minorities in the country, rendering them effectively stateless.

When asked about the criticism in Naypyidaw on Friday, Suu Kyi said, “A country must decide its citizenship for itself, but in doing so it should meet international standards.”
“We should listen to and learn from what foreign scholars say,” she said of her fellow Nobel laureates. “And, finally, we have to make a decision by ourselves if what they say is appropriate in our country’s situation,” Suu Kyi told The Irrawaddy.

The government of President Thein Sein has given conflicting signals on how it seeks to resolve the issue of Rohingya citizenship. Most recently, on Feb. 20, Deputy Minister of Immigration and Population Kyaw Kyaw Win told Parliament that Burma knows “no Rohingya” ethnic group.

Since mid-2012 ethnic violence has plagued Arakan State. Scores of people, including women and children, have been killed and about 110,000 people, mostly Rohingyas, were displaced after inter-communal violence broke out between Arakanese Buddhist and Muslim Rohingya communities, according to UN estimates.

Local Arakanese authorities have been accused of being complicit in the violence against the Rohingya, who are referred to locally as “Bengali’s” from neighboring Bangladesh. Thousands of Rohingya have fled Arakan State in small boats since violence flared.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Antonio Guterres has repeatedly expressed deep concern over the plight of those who flee on boats into the Bay of Bengal. The UN said about 13,000 Rohingya fled western Burma and Bangladesh in 2012, and an estimated 500 refugees died at sea.

In recent weeks there have been almost daily reports of Rohingya’s being picked up on boats in the open ocean.
On Tuesday, Guterres again called for governments in the Asia Pacific region to work together to end the humanitarian tragedy taking place in the Bay of Bengal.
“This is an alarmingly high number of lives lost, and begs a far more concerted effort by countries of the region both with regard to addressing the causes and to preventing lives being lost,” he said.

“Push-backs, denial of disembarkation, and boats adrift for weeks will not solve a regional problem that clearly needs better, more joined-up, and more compassionate approaches by everyone,” Guterres said
The commissioner referred to some of the approaches taken by regional governments such as Thailand, which, on occasion, has pushed back boats of Rohingya into the open ocean.
The UNHCR said it plans to facilitate a regional government meeting in mid-March in Indonesia on irregular movements by sea in the Asia-Pacific, in order to address the Rohingya refugee crisis.
source -The Irrawaddy news.

Burmese Military shoot two Rohingya man

26/02/2013
Telephonic information from reliable source It is known that  Myanmar army (Military) who are camped at the Rakhine village to the  east of Nurulla Village, Maungdaw township fired two (2) innocent Rohingya man mentioned below.

On 25th Feb 2013 at about 2.00 Pm (Myanmar time) that  victims went to the forest for firewood to cook rice with some villager which is 2 miles far to the east from their village. At about 3:30 pm they were shoot to death.

The next day, 26th Feb 2013 at 7:00 am all the village went to the forest and brought that dead body to the village and inform Maungdaw police camp and Magin Chaung Na Sa Ka camp, No action is going on. Up to now the funeral are not done.

The victims are

(1) Mohammed Roshid   s/o Lal Meya  (32 years old) Nurulla Village  around 4 miles south of Maungdaw. Shoot under the
      right ear and took out the left eye.
(2) Mohammed Sayed   s/o Amir Hamza (42 years old) Nurulla village. Cut both legs and hand.

Earnestly requested to take urgent step to save Rohingya communities lives.
 
Source-Hussain Ali

Rapes by Burmese security forces 'may cause more strife' in troubled region

Teenage victim describes how at least 13 women were raped overnight in Arakan state, which has been focus of ethnic riots.
Over 90,000 Rohingya refugees have been displaced due to violence between Muslim Rohingya and Rakhine Buddhists in Burma, and many are seeking help in Bangladesh. Video from June 2012. Link to video: Rohingya refugees leave Burma to seek help in Bangladesh
At least 13 women, including teenagers, have been subjected to prolonged rape by Burmese security forces in a remote village in the western state of Arakan. Human rights groups have warned that the incident threatens to trigger further violence in a region where several waves of ethno-religious rioting since June last year have killed more than 1,000 people.

The women all belong to the Muslim Rohingya minority, which has borne the brunt of fighting between Muslim and Buddhist communities. One victim, an 18-year-old girl who cannot be named for security reasons, described how a group of uniformed soldiers from Burma's border security unit, known locally as NaSaKa, entered her house in northern Maungdaw township shortly after midnight on 20 February.

"They took us separately to different places and tortured and raped us," she said, referring also to her mother and younger sister, 15. The ordeal lasted until dawn, she said. "They came in and out of the house at least 15 times. They also beat my mother with a gun and dragged her outside to the road and beat her to the ground."
According to the victim, 13 people in the village were assaulted. Chris Lewa, head of the Arakan Project, which has monitoring teams in Maungdaw township, said she had separately confirmed that at least 11 people were raped that night.

The incident comes eight months after the rape of a 26-year-old Buddhist woman by three Rohingya men triggered fierce rioting across Arakan state , and a state of emergency remains in place. Arakanese and Rohingya communities have clashed a number of times. Animosity toward the Muslim group is widespread among Arakanese, many of whom consider them to be illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

"Sexual violence by Nasaka against Rohingya women has been documented for many years," says Matthew Smith, a researcher with Human Rights Watch, adding that prosecutions are rare for rapes committed by security forces.
Khin Ohmar, founder of the Women's League of Burma, said that such ordeals terrorise the community. "I've heard of cases where rape survivors are kicked out of their village because the village head is so scared of retribution if they complain to the Burma army."

Rohingya Muslims 
  Rohingya Muslim women and boys cross the Naf river into Bangladesh to escape sectarian violence in Arakan state, Burma, in June 2012. Photograph: Munir Uz Zaman/AFP/Getty Images 
  She said that incidents like these happen "every time the army moves into remote areas", and that punishment is normally just transferral to another area "where rape continues but with different women". She thinks that the 20 February incident probably had its roots in "ethno-centric chauvinism and hatred" of the Rohingya.

Following the attacks, villagers fled into nearby forests and across the border into Bangladesh, said Lewa. The victim told the Guardian that she and the other women had received treatment at a local clinic. The extent of their injuries is unclear, although one 19-year-old woman is believed to be in a critical condition.
The protracted violence in Arakan state has left deep scars for communities on both sides. The UN estimates the number of people displaced since June to be around 120,000, the majority Rohingya.

There are fears however that the violence, which initially pitted Rohingya against Arakanese, is increasingly being demarcated along religious lines. Rioting broke out in Rangoon this week after a row over what local Buddhists claimed was the illegal construction of a mosque. The Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma news organisation also reported last week that the government had placed a ban on all Muslims leaving the Arakanese town of Thandwe, although no official statement has been made.
Buddhist and Muslim communities in Arakan state have now been segregated. In the state capital of Sittwe, all but one Muslim district was razed and emptied last year; the last remaining quarter, Aung Mingalar, whose population swelled from 5,000 to 8,000 residents after fighting broke out, is now guarded by soldiers.

Following a visit to several camps for the displaced this month, UN envoy Tomas Quintana spoke of his concern about aid distribution and freedom of movement. Despite government assurances that displaced Rohingya could eventually return to their homes, Quintana said that stakeholders in Arakan state believed "the current settlements will become permanent".

The medical charity Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) has warned that its staff have received threats from local Arakanese when attempting to get aid to the Rohingya. "It's just awful intimidation and threats of violence from a small but vocal group, through phone calls and on social media," said Peter Paul de Groote, Head of Mission for MSF in Burma.
"Formal permission for access is not the main problem. A big obstacle for MSF is not having enough staff – doctors and other essential personnel are scared to work in Rakhine [Arakan] state." He added that with monsoon season approaching, "we can expect a real humanitarian problem".
source-Guardian ,UK.

Sunday, 10 February 2013

FOUR ROHINGYA MINOR CHILDREN WERE SALUTHERED FROM ONE FMILY

 10 February 2012.

Maungdaw, Arakan State: Four Rohingya minor children from one family of Rohingya community were slaughtered and one Rakhine was killed and three wounded by unknown miscreants in Maungdaw north yesterday night, said a village admin office member who denied to be named. 
“On that night, a group of unknown miscreants went to Deen Mohamed’s house of Khazir Bill (Sapaikong) village,under Nasaka area No.5 of Maungdaw north while he was not present in the house. He has been working with GE military at Burma- Bangladesh border.

After entering the house, the miscreants slaughtered all four minor children – Nuruzawma, Rozena Begum,Yasmin Ara and Mozena, aged 10, 8, 6 and 4 (three females and one male) in the house. The miscreants also abducted the mother –Roza- of the children and she is yet to be found.”

The house is out of the main village, at around one Furlong away from the main village Khazir bill, so the villagers did not hear any screaming from the house last night, the relatives more added.

Being informed, in the early morning, a group of Nasaka personnel from Nasaka area No.5 went to the spot, and arrested villagers arbitrarily from the road, and from fishing project while on the way to village, said another villager on condition of anonymity.  
After seeing the dead bodies, the Nasaka did not say anything to the villagers. However, at 3: 00 pm, the police sent the dead bodies to Maungdaw general hospital for autopsy, the villager added.

Besides, last night, at around 1:00 pm, Rohingya villagers heard firing sound from Nga Khura (Rakhine -Myothet) village. So, from nearby Rohingya villagers tried to go to the spot, to see the matter, but Nasaka stopped them from going, said a local business man from the locality.

But, in the morning, the Rohingya villagers came to know that one Rakhine villager was dead and another three Rakhine villagers including U Ba Chit, were wounded, among them two are serious, the businessman added.

At present, in the evening, the Nasaka (Burma border security force) are surrounding the Loung Don village (Rohingya village) to arrest villagers as the Nasaka and local Rakhine villagers believed that the unknown miscreants are neighboring villagers. At around 6:00 pm, 107 villagers (including 26 women and 32 children) were arrested and were brought to the Nasaka camp, according to a local elder.

“A rumor is spread out that there was a quarrel between local Rakhines and   outsider Rakhines, who were hired from Akyab (Sittwe) during the June 2012 violence. The local hired Rakhine goons at the rate of Kyat 10,000 per month. But, the local Rakhines paid only Kyat 3,000 per month. For this reason, there was a quarrel between them. The dead body was identified as a Karate man (black belt) from Sittwe (Akyab), said a Nasaka aide from the area.

Another rumor come out again,” the conflict was occurred between two groups of drug traffickers – U Ba Chit group of Longdu and Akyab drug trafficking group- for 59 million kyat and around 100,000 Yaba tablets. If the concerned authority investigates U Ba Chit, the conflict will be come out real event.

But, Rohingya villagers believe that, “It is a creative event” by the concerned authority to harass neighboring Rohingya villagers with a bad intention, especially Loung Don villagers,” said a local trader who denied to be named.

“How do the Rohingya villagers are dare to kill Rakhine villagers within the Act of 144? Rohingya villagers have no swords, no guns. How did they commit to shot dead one Rakhine and wounded three?  It is totally impossible. At the time of event, the Nasaka was alert and stopped the Villagers to go the spot,” said a Rohingya leader.

But, no one is arrested regarding the event of four minor children, said a youth.
Rohingya villagers fear that in future the authorities’ concerned, local Rakhine villagers accompanied by Natala villagers will create problems to harass the Rohingya villagers. They don’t want peace between to community, said a religious lead

Friday, 8 February 2013

Captive Boatpeople in Thailand Plead in Secret Petitions for Access to UNHCR, Families

The UNHCR should have to follow as per mandate of UN regarding refugees. We don't like to hear so called Bali process and OIC engagement from UNHCR officials.

It's my sincere advice to UNHCR Regional officers to follow and respect the UN code of law regarding Rohingays detained in Thailand. There should be same procedure for every refugees. The UNHCR has no right to deal with Rohingya Refugees in different way.Some NGOs and ASEAN PACIFIC governments always divert Rohingya Refugees case in to other direction. Please stop playing Rohingya boat people's fate. Please deal them as human and weigh as per international standard of Human Rights.

Every concerned groups must accept that Rohingyas are not Economic Refugees . They left their centuries old mother land due to genocide of 2012-13.
How some says these persecuted Rohingyas are economic Refugees ?
We would also like to know how many heart breaking letters do UNHCR receive from boat people ?Please send all these to Phuketwan to be published.

We are urging not to play hidden game with these unfortunate Rohingyas ?
Some NGOs always hunt big funds of Rohingyas and make the thing in to wrong direction.Rohingya become a hot cake for some ill motive people.
The Rohingyas always encourage selfless assistance. Thanks a lot to Thai who are honestly helping to the detainees.

Posted by Maung Kyaw Nu,President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand,(BRAT) on February 3



Part of the petition on a t-shirt address to UNHCR and the Thai Government

Captive Boatpeople in Thailand Plead in Secret Petitions for Access to UNHCR, Families

Sunday, February 3, 2013
PHUKET: Rohingya boatpeople being held in detention in Thailand yesterday smuggled out two petitions pleading to have the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees involved in their case.

The group of 93 boatpeople is among about 300 men, women and children being held in crowded conditions at the Phang Nga Immigration Office, north of Phuket.

One of the petitions is written in ballpoint pen in English on a piece of white t-shirt, addressed ''To the Honourable UNHCR and Thailand Government.''

''We want to meet UNHCR,'' it says. ''We demand UNHCR.''

The petition explains that 42 of the 93 boatpeople, who headed for Thailand from the Bangladesh port of Cox's Bazaar, already have refugees cards.

The second petition, seeking a reunion with family members, is addressed ''To the Honourable Muslim Committee, Our prayer for to meet our family.''

It is believed efforts will be made to pass on the petitions to the UNHCR in Thailand and to senior members of Thailand's Muslim community.

Both petitions have been seen and photographed by Phuketwan. Images of the petitions accompany this article.

A Human Rights delegation of officials from Bangkok was allowed brief access to see conditions in the Phang Nga Immigration centre and to interview five of the captive Rohingya yesterday.

Although the petitions appear to have come from a group of boatpeople who departed from Cox's Bazaar, it is believed most of the recent arrivals in Thailand have come from Sittwe, a township in troubled Rakhine state, also known as Arakan.

The arrival of women and children on boats that in recent years only carried men and boys has confirmed fears that levels of desperation among Burma's oppressed Rohingya Muslim minority have grown amid ethnic cleansing and the torching of homes.

Although largely unreported, the Rohingya in Rakhine are said to stll be confined to camps or villages, suffering hunger and deprived of health care and the ability to earn a living.

New arrivals in Thailand have spoken of their desire to reach ''a third country'' and not to be returned to Burma.

The two petitions that appeared on Phuket last night are believed to have been smuggled out of the Phang Nga Immigration centre without the knowledge of most of the visiting delegation.

Originally, the boat from Cox's Bazaar contained 96 people but three of the menfolk - the organisers of the voyage - absconded while the group was being held in an open camp in the Phang Nga port of Kuraburi.

The men were quickly recaptured by local police. Officers reportedly rejected offers of large bribes to allow the men to stay free in Thailand.

It is believed the men were given a stern lecture about the potential for their actions to endanger the well-being of the whole group.

Some of the women and children among the large group being held at Phang Nga were believed to be moving to other holding centres last night or today.

The Phang Nga Immigration centre is thought to have a realistic capacity of less than 100 detainees.

Some of the captives are also likely to be moved to the northern provinces of Thailand - a prospect that is likely to further fragment Rohingya community groups and to split families.

Thai authorities have said they will hold the boatpeople and other Rohingya freed from transit traffickers' camps along the Thai-Malaysia border for up to six months while their futures are decided.

The Foreign Ministry has promised in-principle access to the UNHCR, the United Nations body that oversees all refugee issues, but details have yet to be agreed.

The Two Petitions Smuggled Out by Captive Rohingya


To the Honourable UNHCR and Thailand Government

Sub: Prayer for Refugees
Sir or Madam

We are Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. We want to meet UNHCR. We demand UNHCR. We are two group. One Group is registered refugees. Another group is unregistered refugees.

Registered refugees have card. Unregistered refugees have no card. We are 93 persons. Refugee 42 persons are registered refugee 51 persons are unregistered refugee.

Venue: We hope that to accept our petition. It is more kindness for us: New Cottage Road 4700 Cox's Bazaar.


To the Honourable Muslim Committee
Our prayer for to meet our family

Sir and madam

With due respect and humble submission we most respectfully to start that we are sorrowfully men under your Thailand Government.

Sir We hope that to your mouth saying to left in prison. also we live here 15th days ago, in the prison. Here is most group. They group between 3 group gone to another place but we are not move to another place. Now we are staying in the prison. Also we wanted to meet our family. If you would kindly to meet family. It is very grateful to us. After we are not to know where to live our family.

Venue: We hope that to accept our petition. You would be kind enough to as as soon as you possibility.

Yours sincerely (unintelligible) Rotigue No. 215.

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The UNHCR should have to follow as per mandate of UN regarding refugees. We don't like to hear so called Bali process and OIC engagement from UNHCR officials.
It's my sincere advice to UNHCR Regional officers to follow and respect the UN code of law regarding Rohingays detained in Thailand. There should be same procedure for every refugees. The UNHCR has no right to deal with Rohingya Refugees in different way.Some NGOs and ASEAN PACIFIC governments always divert Rohingya Refugees case in to other direction. Please stop playing Rohingya boat people's fate. Please deal them as human and weigh as per international standard of Human Rights.
Every concerned groups must accept that Rohingyas are not Economic Refugees . They left their centuries old mother land due to genocide of 2012-13.
How some says these persecuted Rohingyas are economic Refugees ?
We would also like to know how many heart breaking letters do UNHCR receive from boat people ?Please send all these to Phuketwan to be published.
We are urging not to play hidden game with these unfortunate Rohingyas ?
Some NGOs always hunt big funds of Rohingyas and make the thing in to wrong direction.Rohingya become a hot cake for some ill motive people.
The Rohingyas always encourage selfless assistance. Thanks a lot to Thai who are honestly helping to the detainees.
Posted by Maung Kyaw Nu,President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand,(BRAT) on February 3,