Friday, 9 August 2013

Breaking News: Six Rohingyas Killed, Several Injured on Eid Festival Day



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MS Anwar
RvisionTV News (Updated News Below)
August 9, 2013
Akyab (Sittway), Arakan- In the lastest shoot out at displaced Rohingyas in Oon Daw Gyi (Baariza Fara) camps, Sittway, today (on 9th August 2013), by Myanmar’s Security Force (Hlun Tin), six Rohingyas died and several critically injured.
A displaced Rohingya reported the tragedy as follows.
“The displaced Rohingyas in Sittway are prevented from celebrating Eid festival and performing the prayer according the curfew order under section 144. Therefore, at 8:30AM, two Rohingya boys from Oon Daw Gyi (Baariza Fara) camps went for fishing to a nearby river. Meanwhile, some Hlun Tin appeared and shoot out at the boys. One boy instantly died, another survived.
According to the surviving victim, the reason why they were shot at is not known. But he said they were made poiting targets by Hlun Tin in their excercise (trainings). (Like Nazi Germans did to Jews!)
After the dead of the victim, other Rohingyas went to Hlun Tin to demand the dead body. Hlun Tin were not giving it. There was a quarrel. Subsequently, Hlun Tin started indiscriminate firing at the crowd. Five more died on the spot and several critically injured. Hlun Tin (s) are beating and torturing the displaced people till now.”
“Rakhine state government is directly responsible for the often killings of Rohingya people. As long as this Nazi-inspired genocidal government is in power, we don’t feel there will be even any initiative for the peace process. They are making Rohingyas targets for their day-to-day purposes. They don’t think we are human beings” he exclaimed.
Updates: Another Version of the Report
Last night, one Rohingya was killed by the security force. And in the shoot out today, two more Rohingyas died and many injured. It has been reported by a local of Sittway as follows.
“There were two Rohingya girls working for the security force to earn money for their survival. They were raped by the security force at their camp yesterday. One Rohingya passing by the camp witnessed the incident. He came back and informed his fellow people in the displaced camps.
Therefore, the elders were planning to at least call the girls back because they were unable to take any action against the security force even though they had committed crimes. The Security Force, somehow, came to know about the eye-witness of the rape incident and his report to his fellow people. Therefore, the Security Force called him on to the camp saying they had to investigate.
Since he went to the camp yesterday, he has been disappearing. The worried people in the IDP camps went to the camp of the security force to ask the man’s whereabouts. The security replied that no Rohingya had been to their camp. The people were unable to believe security force’s say and started to search for the man on their own. The people spotted the drops of blood and then, the dead of the man in the camp.
People demanded security force to hand over the dead body to them. Security Force refused. And it led to a quarrel. The security force started firing at the people: two instantly died and many injured.”
“Besides, the security force torched their camp with a view to destroying the three dead bodies and portraying a fabricated and false image of the incident. They burnt the camp so that they can say they had to shoot at Rohingyas because Rohingyas had toreched their camp. A perfect attempt for double victimizaion of Rohingyas. Everyone has come to know about their attempt in time.
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In the burning, two Rohingya dead bodies got destoryed and one was recovered half-burnt.”
The Security Force (Hlun Tin) have been replaced with Military in the region. The security is tightened. Communication tools are being confiscated, while some other Rohingyas have turned off theirs. No Rohingya is, at the moment, allowed to move out of the region. Hence, reports are varying!
Therefore, we are, at the moment, unable to get further details.
More updates: 
Again this evening, the situation got tensed between the security force and the displaced Rohingyas in Bawdupha camps as the security force attempted to arrest six Rohingya men and two Rohingya women. The security forced fired at the Rohingya people and hence, 10 more got injured.
Credit-R Vision News.

Thursday, 8 August 2013

Thai police use water cannon on Rohingya asylum seekers


Thai police use water cannon on Rohingya asylum seekers

AFP August 9, 2013, 7:00 am
Credit-YAHOO NEWS ,AUSTRALIA
 
BANGKOK (AFP) - Thai police used water cannon to prevent scores of Muslim Rohingya boat people from Myanmar breaking out of a detention centre to celebrate the end of Ramadan, officials said Thursday.
 
Some 261 Rohingya asylum seekers broke the locks on two rooms and then tried to storm the centre's secure front door in southern Phang Nga province, where many have been held for months, police told AFP.

"Officials blocked them at the ground floor and are negotiating with them... but they still want to come out and refuse to go back to the rooms," according to provincial police chief Chalit Kaewyarat.

He said police fired water cannon through the gated front door to prevent the refugees, who are all men, leaving and "to calm them down."
"We will wait until they are calm before moving them (temporarily) to police stations," he added.

A local official requesting anonymity confirmed the incident, adding the Rohingya men want to come out "for prayers for Hari Raya" -- as the festival of Eid, marking the end of the Muslim holy month, is known locally.

Police said they would allow five of the detainees out at a time "but all of them still want to leave" prompting the angry stand-off.
Many of the asylum-seekers have been locked up in the overcrowded and reportedly insanitary centre for several months, prompting rights groups to call for their release.
Thousands of Muslim Rohingya boat people -- including women and children -- have fled the former junta-ruled country since Buddhist-Muslim clashes a year ago in the state of Rakhine in western Myanmar.

Those who arrived in Thailand have been "helped on" by the kingdom's navy towards Malaysia -- their destination of choice -- or detained as illegal immigrants.
Thailand initially said the asylum-seekers would be allowed to stay for six months while the government worked with the UN refugee agency UNHCR to try to find other countries willing to accept them.
But overseas help has not been forthcoming so far, leaving the refugees in limbo, and separated from their families.

A UNHCR spokeswoman Vivian Tan said the centres were not designed to hold "so many people for so long."
"While the motives for this incident are still unclear, it reflects the growing frustration among the Rohingya being held in detention," she said.
Tan urged Thai authorities to "urgently" transfer them to shelters that will allow families to be reunited and provide "greater freedom of movement."

Rohingya refugees attempt escape

Rohingya refugees attempt escape

SOME 260 Rohingya refugees who have been held captive for almost seven months tried yesterday to break out of the Phang Nga Immigration Centre to celebrate the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan.



The riot began at about 9am when some inmates tore down the doors separating three detention cells.

They reportedly shouted and stormed the main gate to get out of the building. A team of about 300 officers rushed in to control the situation.

Negotiators including a religious leader and representatives of human-rights groups were sent in to calm them down but the detainees insisted on joining the Hari Raya Eid-al-Fitri celebration outside.

Pol Maj-General Chalit Kaewyarat, provincial police chief, said the men were upset that they were not allow to celebrate outside and since the facility was short on staff, some Rohingya incited a mob to press their demands.

Authorities managed to disperse the rally at about 3pm. The protesters were divided into small groups to be sent to police stations in Phang Nga province.

Previous attempt

Last month, 18 Rohingya escaped from the Phang Nga Shelter for Children and Families and five were recaptured in Chumphon.

From January 14 to March 26, Phang Nga has apprehended 953 Rohingya boat people who had fled their restive state in Myanmar to seek a new start in Malaysia and Indonesia. The Immigration Centre took custody of 261 Rohingya while the Shelter for Children and Families accommodated 43 Rohingya.

A Rohingya is loaded onto a van in a crush of police today/Captive Rohingya Riot North of Phuket: Police, Immigration in Standoff

A Rohingya is loaded onto a van in a crush of police today
A Rohingya is loaded onto a van in a crush of police today
 
Photo by phuketwan.com
 
Click a thumbnail to view more photographs

By Chutima Sidasathian and Alan Morison LIVE in Phang Nga

Thursday, August 8, 2013
PHANG NGA: Police with batons surrounded Rohingya men this afternoon when they refused for four hours to go back to their cells at an Immigration centre north of Phuket.

Scores of reinforcements were called in when the men staged a protest because they were denied permission to pray as a group to celebrate the end of Ramadan.

Thirty-five women and children, who had travelled from a nearby family shelter with a feast to mark the occasion, were turned away when they arrived at the Immigration centre in Phang Nga Town.

Please read here ---
Re: Captive Rohingya Riot North of Phuket: Police, Immigration in Standoff
Maung Kyaw Nu,President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand (BRAT) wrote on Thursday August 8, 2013 at 22:38

Dear respected Editor, We sincerely look forwards of up to date news of today incident at Pang Nga IDC. Thanks ... 
 
View complete comment

Phuket Born Girl and Boy Born at Sea Mark First Ramadan as Captives

The girl born on Phuket and a boy born at sea play in Phang Nga
The girl born on Phuket and a boy born at sea play in Phang Nga
Photo by phuketwan.com

TOURISM

Phuket Born Girl and Boy Born at Sea Mark First Ramadan as Captives

By Chutima Sidasathian and Alan Morison
Thursday, August 8, 2013
Latest Two young children, both stateless and born to parents with no home, mark their first Ramandan still in captivity in Thailand with no clarity about their futures. More »

COMMENT-
The overseas born Rohingya kids are reunited .Thanks a lot to Thai society who take care a lot them who don't know yet their destinations. Happy Eid to the lovely Rohingya kids. They are innocents and the regime of Burma threw their lives in to uncertain . Thanks to Phuketwan for regular highlighting of the Rohingya kids .Wow! The kids are very luckier than the men detainees.
MAUNG KYAW NU.

Captive Rohingya Riot North of Phuket: Police, Immigration in Standoff

HAPPY EID TO PHUKETWAN AND ALL READERS.

This is very unfortunate news during Holy Eid day . Actually this incident of Pang Nga IDC is neither riot or escaping attempt.The Rohingya detainees simply appealed for a Imam (Religious teacher ) ,a Qudbah (a religious presentation note during Holy Eid) and a wider place for praying . During this time,a fellow Burman muscleman (known as wanna) attacked and kicked the nearby Rohingyas . The muscle guy also insulted the religion and the Eid Congregation Program. The dishonoring of Burman muscle guy is the main fact of today accident . He must be transferred . 
 
We should have to understand that the Rohingya detainees become mentally sick due to long time detaining overcrowded places for seven months . They must be met minimum requirement as per the prison code of Thailand. They are not criminals but escapees of genocide for Arakan. They deserve to be Refugees according to the Internation law and UN convention. I asked many times  to release them and shelter in the Rofugee camps by providing full access to the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees ,UNHCR .Further keeping this war refugges in the cages are fully unjustifiable .

  I am also saddened because of failing family reunion during this Holy day. The family reunion is our long time demand .But today it was flopped . Please arrange the family reunion process again.Their hue and cry is unbearable . They are human beings,too.

 Therefore,  this's my sincere appeal before the concerned authorities to sympathize these Rohingya detainees and transfer them to proposed Refugee camps.  Please come forwards to solve this humanitarian crisis .
Maung Kyaw Nu,
President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand,B.R.A.T

Captive Rohingya Riot North of Phuket: Police, Immigration in Standoff

By Chutima Sidasathian and Alan Morison LIVE in Phang Nga
Thursday, August 8, 2013
Latest Police with batons surrounded Rohingya at Phang Nga Immigration centre this afternoon after a riot was suppressed with a high-pressure water hose. More »

Wednesday, 7 August 2013

URGENT ACTION MYANMAR ACTIVIST ARBITRARILY DETAINED


UA: 213/13 Index: ASA 16/003/2013 Myanmar Date: 6 August 2013


URGENT ACTION
MYANMAR ACTIVIST ARBITRARILY DETAINED 

74-year-old human rights defender Kyaw Hla Aung has been arbitrarily detained in Myanmar since 15 July. He is in poor health and may not be receiving the medical treatment he requires. He is on trial, facing charges related to his peaceful activities.
 
Kyaw Hla Aung  has been in arbitrary detention in Sittwe Police Station No. 1 in Myanmar’s Rakhine state since 15 July 2013. He suffers from hypertension (high blood pressure) and gastric problems and requires regular treatment with medicine. There is concern that he may not have access to appropriate medical treatment or a lawyer of his choosing and that the conditions of detention fail to meet international human rights standards.
Kyaw Hla Aung had been in hiding and in fear of arrest after the Myanmar authorities arrested several Muslim leaders following community protests against a government-led population registration exercise conducted in Rakhine state in April 2013. Tensions arose when members of the Rohingya community refused to identify themselves as “Bengali”, which is viewed by many as a divisive term used to deny recognition to the Rohingya community in Myanmar and imply that all Rohingya are actually migrants from Bangladesh. Protests forced the authorities to suspend the registration exercise. Kyaw Hla Aung was not present during the protests. Instead, he tried to contact other Muslim leaders in an attempt to stop the protests from becoming violent. He has likely been targeted as he is an influential Rohingya human rights defender with connections to the international community.
On 15 July 2013, a police officer and two plainclothes officials took Kyaw Hla Aung from his temporary shelter in Sittwe and brought him to the Sittwe police station for questioning. The police did not inform him of the charges against him at the time. He was reportedly brought before the Sittwe District Court on 31 July 2013, and has been charged under Articles 148 (rioting, armed with a deadly weapon), 150 (hiring or conniving at hiring of persons to join an unlawful assembly), and 333 (voluntarily causing grievous hurt to a public servant to deter him from his duty) of the Myanmar Penal Code.  Court sessions are reportedly due to continue on 14 August 2013. He remains detained in the Sittwe police station. According to credible sources, he has not been seen by a doctor in detention, and the authorities are not providing him the medicines he requires. He does not have access to clean drinking water or water for bathing, and family members have not been allowed to visit him in detention.
 
Please write immediately in English or your own language, urging the authorities to:
n Immediately and unconditionally release Kyaw Hla Aung and drop all charges against him;
n Ensure that Kyaw Hla Aung is not tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention, and that he has access to medical treatment, lawyers of his choosing and visits from family members; and
n Ensure that prison conditions, conditions in detention facilities, and the treatment of prisoners meet standards provided for in the UN Standard Minimum Rules on the Treatment of Prisoners.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 17 SEPTEMBER 2013 TO:
Attorney General
Dr. Tun Shin
Office of the Attorney General Office 
No. 25, Nay Pyi Taw
Republic of the Union of Myanmar 
Fax: +9567 404 146 
Salutation: Dear Dr. Tun Shin

Director General, Myanmar Police Force
Brig-General Zaw Win
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10,  Nay Pyi Taw
Republic of the Union of Myanmar
Fax: +951 549 663 / 549 208 
Salutation: Dear Director General

And copies to :
Minister for Home Affairs 
Lt. Gen. Ko Ko
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10
Nay Pyi Taw
Republic of the Union of Myanmar
Fax: +9567 412 439

Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. 

Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date. 
Additional Information
Kyaw Hla Aung is a prominent Rohingya lawyer and former staff of a humanitarian non-governmental organization. He has spent more than 16 years in prison in Myanmar due to his involvement in peaceful activities, and continues to be monitored and harassed by the authorities. Most recently, he was arbitrarily arrested and detained in June 2012 along with several Rohingya aid workers following violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine state. He was later released in August 2012.
Peaceful activists and human rights defenders continue to face arbitrary arrest, detention and harassment in Myanmar. Amnesty International highlighted recent arrests in a public statement on 4 July 2013 (see:  http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA16/002/2013/en/db943ba1-a638-443a-8189-1be22fc70cfe/asa160022013en.html ).

Under Article 2 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, each state has a duty to create the conditions necessary to defend human rights within their jurisdictions. However, human rights defenders in Myanmar continue to be arrested, detained and imprisoned simply for their involvement in peaceful activities. Human rights defenders in Myanmar also face intimidation and harassment. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Myanmar to ensure an environment in which it is possible to defend human rights without fear of reprisal or intimidation.
 
Prisoners of conscience and other detainees in Myanmar are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment and many are held in poor conditions which do not meet the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners. Article 24 of the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners states that a medical officer should see and examine all prisoners as soon as possible after their admission, and Article 25 states that the medical officer should daily see all sick prisoners. Further, Article 20 states that all prisoners should be provided with “food of nutritional value adequate to health and strength” and that “drinking water should be available to every prisoner when he needs it”. In addition, Article 15 states that prisoners should “be provided with water and with such toilet articles as are necessary for health and cleanliness”.
 
The Rohingya have faced discrimination for decades in Myanmar. They are not recognized as an official ethnic group and continue to be denied equal access to citizenship rights. Their rights to study, work, travel, marry, practise their religion, and receive health services are restricted to various degrees.
Name: Kyaw Hla Aung
Gender m/f: M
UA: 213/13 Index: ASA 16/003/2013 Issue Date: 6 August 2013

Amy A. Smith
Myanmar/Thailand Researcher
Asia Pacific Programme
Amnesty International
Tel (Thailand): +66 (0)87.795.5454
Tel (UK): +44(0)207.413.5778
Skype: AmyAlexSmith
Twitter: @AmyAlexSmith

--
Working to protect human rights worldwide
DISCLAIMER
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Tuesday, 6 August 2013

Burma: Justice for 1988 Massacres/On 25th Anniversary of Crackdown, Accountability, Rule of Law Remain elusive

 
(New York) – Burma’s President Thein Sein should commit to an independent investigation and fair prosecutions of officials and commanders responsible for the mass killings of pro-democracy protesters 25 years ago, Human Rights Watch said today. Burma’s friends and donors should make clear that genuine reform in Burma means ensuring justice for victims of the 1988 massacres and other serious human rights violations.

The 1988 protests and crackdown were a watershed moment in Burma. From March to September 1988, the suppression of mass pro-democracy demonstrations throughout Burma resulted in thousands of deaths at the hands of the military and other security forces.

“The mass killings 25 years ago in Burma are an unaddressed open wound that challenges the government’s rhetoric of reform,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “The government should shed itself of 50 years of denial about military abuses by showing that it stands with the Burmese people and not with the killers of the past.”

On August 8, 1988, a nationwide strike involving thousands of students, Buddhist monks, civil servants, and ordinary citizens led to simultaneous protests in cities and towns across Burma, calling for a transition to democracy and an end to military rule. The size and scale of these protests surprised the government, which then ordered troops to suppress the protests with force. Troops fired on peaceful protesters, killing and wounding hundreds. While many fled, some protesters fought back with Molotov cocktails, swords, poisoned darts, and sharpened bicycle spokes, killing some policemen and other officials.
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On August 10, soldiers deliberately fired on and killed doctors and nurses treating wounded civilians at Rangoon General Hospital. On August 12, Sein Lwin, who had replaced long-time dictator Ne Win as president, resigned after 17 days in power. Soldiers largely withdrew to the barracks, and an interim government, headed by civilian Dr. Maung Maung, was appointed on August 19. On August 26, an estimated one million people demonstrated at the Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon’s central landmark. Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who in 1991 would win the Nobel Peace Prize, was one of the day’s many speakers who defied the military government and called for an end to authoritarian rule. Daily protests continued through August and September, with demonstrators organizing local administration committees with Buddhist monks, students, and community leaders to maintain peace and order.

The military launched a coup on September 18 that established the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), chaired by Gen. Saw Maung. On September 18 and 19, 1988, soldiers returned to the streets and fired live ammunition at peaceful protesters, killing thousands. Thousands of activists were arrested and thousands more fled to neighboring countries. Student leaders, who served as the vanguard of the protests, and other activists were imprisoned for years and subjected to torture and other abuses in prison. No government officials were ever held accountable for abuses committed during the crackdown.

On the 25th anniversary of the crackdown, Human Rights Watch reiterated its call to the Burmese government to immediately release all remaining political prisoners and repeal laws used since then to prevent or curtail peaceful protests. The government should create a genuinely independent body with a broad membership to investigate the major government crackdowns since 1988 and to make recommendations for prosecutions. In addition the government should encourage a broad based truth-telling of the 1988 events and government repression since that time.
“If the government recognizes past atrocities and commits to accountability, the anniversary of 8.8.88 could be a pivotal moment in addressing decades of repressive rule,” Adams said. “It could even be the start of a new era if the military and government move from denial to admission and from impunity to justice.”

In the past few weeks, the Thein Sein government has permitted a number of unprecedented public commemorative 25th anniversary events such as concerts and art shows. A three-day commemorative event organized by former political prisoners is scheduled for the commercial capital, Rangoon, where some of the worst bloodshed occurred. Events are also being permitted in rural towns in other parts of Burma by original organizers of anti-government movements, some of whom have been allowed to return after having spent the past 25 years in exile. Previously banned books documenting the events of 1988, including Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner’s groundbreaking Outrage, are now openly sold in the country in Burmese and English.

Human Rights Watch also urged the government to establish independent inquiries into the violent suppression of peaceful protests over the past 25 years, including the student demonstrations in Rangoon in December 1996 and the Buddhist monk-led demonstrations in September 2007. Other incidents, such as the attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters in the Upper Burma town of Depayin in May 2003 that left scores dead, have never been independently investigated.

It is important that Thein Sein’s government has permitted civil society to stage commemorative events, but the government should go further and admit military culpability and commit to ending the military’s role in all aspects of governance,” Adams said. “The brutality of the 1988 crackdown was a key factor in the past 25 years of fear that fuelled continued military rule. Addressing these abuses is absolutely necessary for Burmese society to move forward.”

Monday, 5 August 2013

WHERE MR.KALLA HAS SEEN IMPROVEMENT OF GENOCIDES ON ROHINGYAS ???

                                                                             05/08/2013
I appreciated Indonesian Mosque Council (DMI) chairman Jusuf Kalla has called for religious leaders worldwide to promote tolerance and peace among followers in order to prevent terrorism carried out in the name of religion.

I also condemn every kind of terrorism and attacking to the  religious subjects of different belief.

Where Mr Kalla has seen improvement of Rohingyas ???

But I can't agree his assessment of genocide on Rohingyas. Mr Kalla maybe not aware that genocide is going most of the areas in Arakan in hidden ways. A wide spread of Rohingyas flee for third countries by boats , neighboring Bangladesh and India due to various type of policies implementing by Thien Sein and racist RNDP forces in Arakan. The death tolls are increasing day by day due to lack of every essential necessity which human beings minimum need to be alive. 
Therefore, this is my ardently request to Foreign visitors to look double side of coin before going detail of easy assessment to our dying community.
 In Rohingya areas wide spread arrest, killing ,raping and extortion of money are everyday conducted by the regime. Still the Rohingyas are not yet allocated to their original home places and justice is not given .Most of the Mosques and Religious schools are not yet rebuilt.The war criminals are not yet booked for trail .Most of the areas Holy Ramdan and night prayers are barred .Rohingyas pass the time in fear around the clocks. Arakan is one of the fearing places Rohingyas for the in the world.
 Where Mr Kalla has seen improvement of Rohingyas ???
MAUNG KYAW NU.

Punks Break Burma’s Silence on Religious Attacks


 
Youths dressed as punks await a punk music show during the Burmese New Year Water Festival in Rangoon on April 12, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)
RANGOON — Punk rockers draw double-takes as they dart through traffic, but it’s not just the pink hair, leather jackets or skull tattoos that make these 20-somethings rebels: It’s their willingness to speak out against Buddhist monks instigating violence against Muslims while others in Burma are silent.
“If they were real monks, I’d be quiet, but they aren’t,” says Kyaw Kyaw, lead singer of Rebel Riot, as his drummer knocks out the beat for a new song slamming religious hypocrisy and an anti-Muslim movement known as “969.” ‘‘They are nationalists, fascists. No one wants to hear it, but it’s true.”
Radical monks are at the forefront of a bloody campaign against Muslims, and few in this predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million people are willing to speak against them. For many, being Buddhist is an important part of being Burmese, and monks, the most venerable members of society, are beyond reproach. Others are simply in denial, or buy into claims the Muslim “outsiders” pose a threat to their culture and traditions.
The silence is as dangerous as the mobs razing mosques and cheering as Muslims are hunted down and beaten to death with chains and metal pipes, says Michael Salberg, director of international affairs at the US-based Anti-Defamation League.
“It’s not perpetrators that are the problem here,” he says, pointing to conditions that paved the way for the Holocaust in Germany and the genocide in Rwanda. “It’s the bystanders.”
After half-century of harsh military rule, a quasi-civilian government installed two years ago has implemented sweeping reforms, releasing pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, relaxing restrictions against peaceful assembly, opening up the media and throwing away the censor’s pen.

The same freedoms have also given voice to monks like Wirathu, a charismatic speaker and supporter of 969. His following is growing as he crisscrosses the country calling for boycotts of Muslim-owned shops and a ban on marriages between Buddhist women and Muslim men, and warning that a higher birthrate could one day bring Muslims from 4 percent of the population to a majority.

All I can really say is, people should look at the teachings of Buddha and ask themselves, is this what he meant?” says Ye Ngwe Soe, the 27-year-old frontman of No U Turn, the country’s most popular punk rock band. He wrote the song “Human Wars” after violence against Rohingya Muslims in Arakan State started spilling into other regions. “When I go to some urban areas, I hear talking about 969, hating Muslims, being violent. It shouldn’t be this way.”

Hate speech experts say the best way to counter people like Wirathu is to seek the voice of moderate Buddhists.
But outside of a handful of monks and civil activists who have gotten together for interfaith dialogues, few are stepping up. Westerners working in Burma are often surprised when their otherwise progressive Burmese subordinates softly defend the monks or say nothing when discussions turn to religious violence.

“I’m sure a lot of them think this is total madness, but they don’t dare to say that openly,” says Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books about Burma. “If they do they will be attacked by these new nationalists, religious bigots, accused of being friends with Muslims. … It’s a very difficult situation.”

Arker Kyaw, a 20-year-old graffiti artist bursting with an electric creativity, has several friends—mostly musicians and DJs—who are Muslims and was very upset about the violence that has wracked their communities in the last year.

He and others of varying religious backgrounds put together a music video expressing solidarity, saying basically, “Don’t worry, at least between us, everything will be OK.”
But when asked if he isn’t tempted to answer to 969 when he sees their stickers and signs on the walls of Rangoon, he says: “No. It’s very complicated. On this one, I think it’s better to be the audience, not the show.”

President Thein Sein, embraced by the United States and others for his reform-minded agenda, banned an issue of Time magazine that splashed Wirathu on the cover and called him “the face of Buddhist terror,” and issued a statement saying he supports 969 and considers the extremist monk a “son of Lord Buddha.”
With national elections scheduled for 2015, opposition leader Suu Kyi has said nothing, worried, analysts say, there will be a backlash at the polls if she is perceived as anti-Buddhist.

That leaves the punk rockers, who know what it’s like to be outsiders.
During military rule, the tiny punk community practiced and performed in secret, often in abandoned buildings, by the railroad tracks or in private, before a small group of close friends. While others were cowed by the constant threat of arrest and imprisonment, they screamed out about abuses at the hands of the army and asked why politically connected businessmen were getting rich while everyone else suffered.
Today they have a new battleground, religious intolerance. And they aren’t about to shy away.

Kyaw Kyaw of Rebel Riot likes to say that while he can’t change the world, or Burma, or even Rangoon, he can at least influence those around him.
“They can arrest us, we don’t care,” says this 26-year-old son of a police officer. “Or we can be attacked by certain groups. We don’t care, we’ve prepared ourselves for this mentally. But we want to speak our minds.”
CREDIT- THE IRRAWADDY.

‘It Was a Tragic Scene to See the Dead Bodies of Our Brothers and Sisters’

FEATURE


The iconic photo in which house surgeons Win Zaw (L) and Saw Lwin carry 16-year-old pro-democracy protestor Win Maw Oo to an ambulance after she was fatally shot on September 18, 1988. (Photo: S. Lehman / Visions)
The iconic photo in which medical student Win Zaw (L) and house surgeon Dr Saw Lwin carry 16-year-old pro-democracy protestor Win Maw Oo to an ambulance after she was fatally shot on September 18, 1988. (Photo: S. Lehman / Visions)

RANGOON — Twenty five years ago, the streets of Rangoon swelled with hundreds of thousands of protestors demanding an end to Burma’s military dictatorship. After government troops opened fire on them, hundreds were seriously injured. Many would have died if it had not been for Dr Myat Htoo Razak and Dr Win Zaw.

Like many doctors and nurses, the young house surgeon and medical student worked around the clock to save the lives of injured protestors during the hectic days of the 8888 Uprising.
Myat Htoo Rrazak recalled the unforgettable scenes that he witnessed on August 9, 1988, one day after popular, nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations started in Rangoon and other cities across Burma.

“Some of them were shot in their chests, arms and legs,” he said in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy. “Two of them were seriously injured; one was shot in his head and another one shot in his eye.”
Dr Myat Htoo Razak, 49, recalls saving the lives of injured 8888 demonstrators. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)
Dr Myat Htoo Razak, 49, recalls saving the lives of injured 8888 demonstrators. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

The then 24-year-old house surgeon and his team had arrived at the Maternal and Child Welfare Association in Rangoon’s North Okkalapa Township shortly before troops began to fire on crowds of peaceful demonstrators, who had gathered nearby.
One monk who made a speech urging protestors to keep marching was fatally shot. Many protestors ran into the building to flee the gunfire, some were bleeding from bullet wounds in their torsos, arms and legs.

The medical team, which came from North Okkalapa Hospital, had already prepared emergency treatment facilities as they feared that authorities might launch a violent crackdown on the demonstrations. Myat Htoo Razak and three other house surgeons (young doctors who are still undergoing practical training) and nurses started treating the many wounded.

But soon, soldiers surrounded the Maternal and Child Welfare Association and two captains entered building to intimidate the demonstrators. “We just used rubber bullets. Or else, you would have all been dead,” one of them said looking at injured protestors.
The captain’s heartless words infuriated Myat Htoo Razak but he tried to cope with his anger for the sake of his patients. The would-be doctor then asked the officers to transport two seriously wounded patients to North Okkalapa Hospital.

In the meantime, more injured people were coming into the building. Myat Htoo Razak and his small team kept treating the injured until late afternoon. When he got back to North Okkalapa Hospital, the troops were shooting right in front of the building.
“We didn’t even need to go too far to carry patients as they were shooting in front of the hospital. The injured people were just carried into the hospital. Inside, we treated many of the injured people,” he said.
While the doctors like Myat Htoo Razak worked ceaselessly to operate on the many wounded, pools of blood covered the hospital floors and numerous bodies arrived at the mortuary. “It was a tragic scene to see the dead bodies of our brothers and sisters,” he said.

For 10 days, government violence continued and wounded pro-democracy demonstrators filled the wards of hospitals and clinics in Rangoon and across Burma.
When Dr Maung Maung, a civilian, became interim president on August 19 the shootings ended and people from all walks of life joined the demonstrations, which had now spread nationwide, from Burma’s big cities to tiny villages throughout the country.
On September 18, the military staged a coup d’état and the crackdown worsened. Troops shot down many more demonstrators, including schoolchildren, students, civil servants and housewives. An estimated total of 3,000 people were killed and many more protestors were injured in August and September of 1988.

For the injured, doctors, nurses and house surgeons like Myat Htoo Razak, provided life-saving care at a critical moment in the country’s history.
The 88’ pro-democracy movement was the biggest people power uprising that Burma had seen since gaining independence from Britain in 1948. It toppled the country’s oppressive authoritarian regime of military strongman Ne Win and his Burma Socialist Programme Party, which had ruled the country for 26 years.
The military coup and subsequent crackdown on the 8888 Uprising, however, would leave the army in charge for two more decades.
Another medical student who helped treat Burma’s brave protestors at the time was Win Zaw.

Doctors, nurses and medical staffs not only treated the injured, but also took part in the demonstrations, and 23-year-old Win Zaw joined a group of medical students who staged a hunger strike on September 18 at Rangoon’s University of Medicine.
After the army staged a coup at 4 pm that day, it announced that all demonstrators should disperse and leave their camps and the streets.

Dr. Win Zaw, 48, treated numerous injured protestors in 1988. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)
Dr. Win Zaw, 48, treated numerous injured protestors in 1988. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

Win Zaw and his fellow students went to Rangoon General Hospital and spent the night helping doctors in treating hundreds of demonstrators who had been shot by troops as they tried to clear the streets of Rangoon.
The next morning, at about 10:30 am, Win Zaw and doctors got news that the troops had again opened fire on protestors. Win Zaw quickly joined a small team that included a surgeon named Win Ko, two doctors and another house surgeon by the name of Dr Saw Lwin.

They drove through the streets collecting the wounded, putting as many as 15 patients into their small ambulance. After two runs to pick up the victims, they heard that shots had been fired at a demonstration near Sule Pagoda in central Rangoon
As they reached the pagoda, it became clear that the troops had committed a massacre.
“It is a scene that I can never forget for the rest of life. There were a lot of bodies and injured people on street,” Win Zaw recalled in an interview. “A photo of our Bogyoke [Aung San] was on the street, our fighting peacock flag [the symbol of students’ movement] was also down, sandals were scattered and pools of blood were everywhere.”
As they looked among the numerous bodies for protestors who were still alive, Win Zaw noticed one young girl who was breathing faintly. He approached and heard her murmur, “Brother, help me.”

Win Zaw lifted the girl by her arms while house surgeon Saw Lwin held her legs. Wearing white physician duty coats, they carried her to the nearby ambulance. At that time, he noticed a flash of a camera and heard one of the soldiers bellowing: “Don’t take pictures! Or else, we’ll shoot!”

At that time, Win Zaw had no idea the picture would become an internationally well-known, historic picture that symbolized just how brutal the army’s crackdown on innocent protestors had been. Later, he found out that the young girl’s name was Win Maw Oo, a 16-year-old high school student.
On that dark day, September 19, 1988, Win Zaw’s team made seven runs to collect the wounded from Rangoon’s blood-covered streets. Another ambulance team of Rangoon General Hospital conducted a similar number of emergency rescues.
By the evening, he learned Win Maw Oo was being treated at the intensive care unit and that she was still alive after having suffered gunshot wounds in one arm, one leg and a lung. At 5:35 pm, however, she died.

The medical staff also risked their lives by going out and collecting wounded protestors from Rangoon’s streets. Myat Htoo Razak remembers that at least one medical student was shot and killed, while another required a life-saving operation.
Myat Htoo Razak and a senior surgeon, Dr Kyaw Myint Naing, operated on final-year medical student Moe Thu Win for six and a half hours after a bullet had shredded the main artery in his arm. The doctors thought they might have to amputate the limb, but eventually the operation was successful.

During 10 days of bloody repression in 1988, the doctors continuously treated injured protestors, although some of the wounded didn’t dare to come to hospitals out of fear that the military would arrest them there.
For some medical staff, their work would have repercussions later. The military had taken note of Win Zaw and Saw Lwin after the photo of their rescue of the young girl Win Maw Oo became famous the world over.

Four years later, the notorious Military Intelligence’s unit-6, better known as MI-6, detained Dr Win Zaw for five days and asked him about the details of the events of that day.
For his colleague Dr Saw Lwin the consequences would be far greater, however. The military authorities forced Saw Lwin’s father to retire from his position as the director of a government department. This pressure on his family caused Saw Lwin to sink into a deep depression. Years later, he committed suicide.

Until this day, Win Zaw said, Saw Lwin’s family cannot bear to watch the tragic picture of their rescue attempt.

For both Dr Win Zaw and Dr Myat Htoo Razak the events of 1988 were life defining moments, and all these years later both say they are still dedicated to establishing genuine democracy in Burma.
“The 88 uprising shaped our lives,” said Myat Htoo Razak, who now lives in the United States and has worked on HIV/Aids research and strengthening health care systems in Asia and Africa.
Win Zaw, who is now secretary of the Myanmar Medical Association’s General Practitioners Society, said, “In fact, we are still waiting to get what we demanded 25 years ago.”

Saturday, 3 August 2013

A new Burma democracy movement

By Roland Watson
August 3, 2013

The failure of the pro-democracy movement

I’ll begin with an obituary. The Burma pro-democracy movement is dead.

Of course, some people might disagree. Instead, they might say that it is
“over.” The Burma democracy movement isn’t dead, it’s just over, because
it succeeded. Burma is now free and democratic.

I know how ridiculous this sounds, but many people actually do hold this
view. The SPDC and Than Shwe are GONE, and the “progress” in the country
is irreversible. The “reform” will take some years to complete, of course,
but democracy is now established, there is a President and a Parliament,
and things will only get better.

Such people are either fools; or part of the regime, such as Shwe Mann,
Suu Kyi and Tayza; or corrupt cronies of the regime, including EBO’s Harn
Yawnghwe, the KNU’s General Mutu Sae Poe, General Johnny, and General
Secretary Kwe Htoo, the SSA-South’s General Yawd Serk, and of course all
of the corporate pirates now invading the country. In the third group I
would also include the international regime cheerleaders, including Ashley
South, who is now reaping the reward for his complicity through his
association with the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative; Derek Tonkin, of
Network Myanmar; and Georgetown’s illustrious David Steinberg.
Congratulations, gentlemen, you must be dancing in the streets. You won!
Burma is not free, and it won’t be for a long, long time to come. You got
what you wanted!!!

The movement has failed, and the first and foremost proof of this is that
the dictators are still in power. Some of them, such as SPDC supremo Than
Shwe, may have moved to the shadows, and others, including President Thein
Sein and the members of the USDP, have taken off their uniforms, but, they
are still absolutely in charge. And, with the 2008 Constitution as the
“Supreme Law” of Burma, and which Than Shwe will never allow to be
significantly altered, there is no way that they can be removed.

Secondly, repression in the country continues, without fail. This includes
the ongoing Burma Army offensives agains various ethnic nationality
groups; related repression of ethnic nationality people, including the
regime’s backing of a campaign of genocide targeting the Rohingya;
widespread land thefts, to assist the corporate pirates; and the
continuing arrests and detention of individuals who protest these abuses,
as well as the fact that any of the political prisoners who have been
released can instantly be re-imprisoned if they ever really speak out.

Please continue read at-

http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/burmanewmovement.pdf

Rohingya Prisoners Thinned Out: Thai Authorities React to 'Escape' Protest



Rohingya detainees file out of Sadao Immigration this week
Rohingya detainees file out of Sadao Immigration this week
Photo by refugee aid group

Rohingya Prisoners Thinned Out: Thai Authorities React to 'Escape' Protest

By Phuketwan Reporters
Friday, August 2, 2013
 
Latest In a move that appears to be a reaction to a protest by Rohingya inmates, authorities have resolve the overcrowding crisis at cramped Thai Immigration centre. More »
http://phuketwan.com/tourism/rohingya-prisoners-thinned-thai-authorities-react-escape-protest-18556/

Maung Kyaw Nu ,President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand's Comment---


I full agreed with Phuketwan news that the detainees of Sadao did not commit any riot or escape attempt. Though the same IDC ,five fellow Rohingyas died the same reason of overcrowded purpose for more than seven months at the same locked up cages,the rest are scare of death all the times . On the other hands ,the government fixed six months duration was already over 24th of July. The inmates are hopeless of their future of release and nervous of day to day increase of sickness of inmates. The inmates always voice of their medical treatment and transfer  them to the wider space where they can minimum get sunbath and walking areas to be alive. This is their rights at least to be alive.

   The police custody/cells  are very small and difficult to stay longer than 24 hours for the inmates. For example ,the police cell of and ground floor of Badam bisar IDC are not fit for 60 and 20 inmates respectively.I visited there many times and aware of spaces .

  Therefore ,this is my ardent request to the authority concerned to kindly transfer all these 2000 Rohingya detainees to proposed Refugee camp and allow UNHCR for their future status determination. This is a humanitarian crisis and deal them as per international standard .

MAUNG KYAW NU.

Thursday, 1 August 2013

Speaker addresses Rangoon University

Parliament UK

01 August 2013

MR SPEAKER’S SPEECH AT RANGOON UNIVERSITY, BURMA

1 August 2013

It is an enormous privilege and honour, and a personal joy, for me to be with you here today. I come not only as Speaker of the House of Commons in the British Parliament, but perhaps more significantly as a friend of the people of this country, to salute those who have struggled for so long at great cost for the cause of freedom, democracy, human rights and peace; to encourage those who are working for change; and to offer whatever practical assistance we can to all those who wish to build a better future for this beautiful country.

In the past two years, President Thein Sein and his Government have introduced measures which have changed the atmosphere significantly, and opened the way for a transition to democracy and freedom after decades of brutal military rule. It is absolutely right that the international community should recognise the changes that have been implemented, applaud the reforms, welcome the positive steps and encourage all parties engaged in the reform process to continue further along this path. When dictators unclench their fists, they should be met with outstretched hands.

And so today, both on behalf of the British Parliament and as a long-time friend of this country personally, I join others in welcoming the changes that have been introduced: the release of most political prisoners, greater freedom of expression for the media, increased space for civil society, greater participation in the political process by opposition parties, and the establishment of preliminary ceasefires with most of the ethnic nationalities.

DASSK is a heroine for humanity and, alongside Nelson Mandela, the greatest freedom fighter in the world today. The fact that Daw Suu, for so many years the international symbol of your struggle, now sits in Parliament rather than under house arrest, symbolises the fact that your country is changing. The fact that alongside her in Parliament are 42 of her colleagues from the National League for Democracy, many of whom spent years in prison, is remarkable. The fact that the leaders of the 88 Generation, whom I had the privilege of meeting in London last month, are not only released from decades-long jail terms but are engaging so openly, actively and admirably in the political and civil life of this country once again is another important sign that the political atmosphere of the country has changed in an extraordinary way. And the fact that I am able to be here today speaking in these terms is yet more evidence of the first steps towards the development of a freer and more open society.

But I am under no illusions whatsoever about the challenges ahead. These changes, these signs of openness, these glimmers of hope, represent a welcome change of atmosphere, but they need to go much further and deeper if there is to be a fundamental change of system. There is, as you will know far better than me, a very very long way still to go. You are just at the very beginning of the path towards democracy and peace – and the international community must remember that. We must welcome positive steps when they occur; we must encourage deeper reform; but we must be vigilant in guarding against premature euphoria which is as misplaced as it is desperately dangerous.

I know that there are still political prisoners in jail today. If democracy is to be truly established, and secured, there must be no political prisoners at all. As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, one political prisoner is one too many. There can be no place in an open and democratic society for arbitrary arrests, repressive laws that attempt to curtail or silence dissent, or the imprisonment of people simply for daring to criticise the Government or express an alternative opinion. Freedom of thought, freedom of conscience, freedom ofreligion, freedom belief and freedom of expression, including the freedom to protest, are the bedrock of a democratic and open society. So I hope that the President and the Government will release, and release unconditionally, all remaining political prisoners as a matter of urgency, and in so doing, signal their seriousness about real, lasting, irreversible reform.

In addition to releasing unconditionally remaining political prisoners, there is a need for a thorough review of legislation, and the repeal of all repressive laws. I hope the Government, and the Parliament, will work with the international community to ensure that legislation is in accordance with international human rights standards, and if Britain and our Parliament can offer any assistance to help your Parliament develop skills and capacity needed for drafting
laws and other aspects of law-making, we would be delighted to do so.

However, even if political prisoners are freed and repressive legislation repealed, if the Constitution itself hinders democracy, a meaningful transition will be hindered. So there is an urgent need for amendments to the Constitution, including the clauses relating to the eligibility of candidates for the presidency, and the system of governance for the ethnic states, if the reform process is to be genuinely inclusive and legitimate.

None of these steps, however, will deliver true freedom and democracy if there is not a genuine peace in the country, and it is here that I wish to speak most frankly and personally. Just over nine years ago, I travelled to Burma for the first time. The differences between that visit and this one are stark. On that occasion, I did not enter the country on a visa, or visit the cities. I did not meet with Government officials. Instead, I visited internally displaced Karen peoples in the jungles across the border from Thailand, and Karen and Karenni refugees on the Thai side of the border. I met people who had fled attacks by the Tatmadaw, sometimes multiple times – people whose homes had been burned down, crops destroyed, loved ones killed. I met children who had seen their parents shot dead in front of them; and parents who
had seen their children killed in front of them. I met women who had been raped, and men who had been taken for forced labour. I heard appalling stories of excruciating torture. Indeed the testimonies I heard were to some of the most egregious abuses of human rights that can have been practised anywhere by anyone at any time. 

That visit was the beginning of my own personal commitment to your country. I returned to the Thai border with colleagues from the House of Commons three years later in May 2007. In September 2007 I travelled to the India border, to visit the Chin people, where I heard further stories of forced labour, rape, torture and religious persecution. I did what I could, as a Member of Parliament before I was elected Speaker, to raise the plight of the ethnic nationalities, as well as the wider struggle for freedom and democracy, regularly in Parliament, because such barbaric and gross violations of human rights cannot and must not be tolerated. Between November 2003 and June 2009, I tabled 343 written questions about Burma and mentioned your country in no fewer than 46 question times and debates in
parliament. I did so for the good reason that the subject of the fight for democracy in Burma needed to be raised again and again and again. For as Martin Luther King once said, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”.

I welcome the Government’s efforts to engage in talks with the ethnic armed groups, and I welcome the establishment of ceasefires with many of the armed groups. But just as the political changes I have witnessed and described mark merely the very beginning of theProcess of democratisation, so too the fragile preliminary ceasefires must lead to something more substantial if they are to result in a genuine peace. As one Karen activist told me, “ceasefires are about just pressing the pause button – we need to press the stop button” to end more than 65 years of civil war. So I wish to encourage the Government to go further and engage in a genuine nationwide peace process, involving a political dialogue with the ethnic nationalities. 

Without a political solution, the root causes of conflict will not be addressed and peace will not be achieved. The desire of the ethnic nationalities, as is well known, is for a federal system, in which they are granted some autonomy, and in which equal rights are respected for all. The cultures and languages of the different ethnic nationalities must be protected and respected. This is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation, and that diversity is what makes it so rich and beautiful. Diversity should be celebrated. Only with a true application of the principle ‘unity in diversity’ can peace be achieved.
 
I welcome the remarks by several very senior leaders in Government and Parliament, displaying an openness to consider the idea of federalism. I hope that such openness will translate into a real dialogue process. I know in the past that ‘federalism’ has been a word viewed with alarm by some in this country, but it would appear it has been misunderstood. I hope policy-makers will now have the opportunity to study different models of federalism from different parts of the world, and see that, far from leading to the fragmentation of a country, federalism can provide a way of strengthening and uniting the country. Some of the world’s most successful economies and democracies are federal systems – the United States, Germany, Switzerland, India and Australia, to name just five. 

A free, peaceful and democratic future for your country can be built on these foundations – the release of political prisoners, legislative and constitutional reform, a nationwide peace process involving a political dialogue leading to a federal system in which equal rights are protected and diversity is celebrated. There is, however, one further element without which peace and democracy cannot be achieved: respect for human rights, including religious freedom, justice and the rule of law.
 
The stories I have heard from the conflict in Kachin State over the past two years are deeply disturbing. They are very similar to the testimonies I heard myself from the Karen, Karenni, Shan and Chin people in the past. In the past two years, it is reported that at least 100,000 Kachin civilians have been displaced; more than 200 villages destroyed, including at least 66 churches; rape, forced labour, torture and killing of civilians are all still happening. 

These acts of violence, these abuses which could amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, must stop. The culture of impunity must end. If the President’s reforms are to be believed, there must be a concerted, unremitting and transparent effort to change the behaviour of the Tatmadaw, to end these widespread and systematic abuses which result in so much injustice and loss of life.
 
Today, I say clearly and unambiguously to the President, the Government and the military, as a friend of this country and its people: stop the war; stop the killings; stop the torture; stop the rapes; stop forced labour. Only then can the people of this beautiful but benighted country – whether in Kachin State or in other parts of the country – begin to rebuild their lives, not only physically but spiritually as well, to reconcile, and to build a better future for all.

In this multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation – home to Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, Hindus and Animists – respect for religious diversity and freedom is essential. I understand that in Buddhism you have two principles, ‘Metta’ (loving kindness) and ‘Karuna’ (compassion). I hope that the appalling violence we have seen over the past year – in Rakhine State, and in Meikhtila, Oakkan, Lashio and other towns and cities – will cease, and that the country and all its people, of whatever religion, will be filled with a new spirit of Metta and Karuna. For the spirit of Metta and Karuna is not limited to Buddhism. All the great religions have similar teachings to these. These are the teachings that unite us, people of different races and religions, for they are the teachings of humanity – and they are fundamental to democracy.
 
If such violence and hatred continue, they threaten to undermine all that has been achieved in the past two years, and to snatch from you the freedom and democracy for which you have struggled so long just when they appear at last to be in sight.
 
A country in which one particular religious or racial minority is made to feel they do not belong; a country in which a particular religious or racial minority is subjected to campaigns of hatred and violence; a country in which, despite being born in the country, people from one particular racial group are denied citizenship and rendered stateless – can never be a country free and at peace. So it is vital that everyone who desires true freedom, democracy and peace for this country should unite to oppose intolerance and hatred. Voices of peace and justice from all religious and political groups must work together to oppose the intolerant minority. I urge the Government to ensure that the police and security forces act swiftly and effectively to prevent further violence, protect vulnerable communities and bring the perpetrators of such hatred and violence to justice. I call upon the Government, and Parliament, urgently to review and revise the 1982 Citizenship Law, to bring it in line with international human rights norms. I call for a genuinely independent analysis of the Rohingya people’s history in Burma, so that misunderstandings can be corrected, misinformation countered and prejudices addressed. I call on the Government and civil society to invest in initiatives for inter-religious and inter-racial dialogue and reconciliation. And I applaud religious, political and civil society leaders who are already beginning this vital work.
 
But I am not here just to tell the Government what we expect of them. I am also here, along with my colleagues, to offer our assistance. Just over a year ago, I had the privilege – one of the greatest privileges of my professional life --of introducing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as she addressed our Parliamen in Westminster Hall. During her address she specifically requested support from us to help strengthen your own Parliament. She asked Britain as “one of the oldest parliamentary democracies" in the world "to consider what it can do to help build the sound institutions needed to support a nascent parliamentary democracy". Since then, in addition to groups of UK MPs visiting Burma, I have been pleased to welcome two delegations of Burmese parliamentarians in December 2012 and April 2013. The Bills committee and the Public Accounts Committee came to engage with us on the issues of law-making and legislative scrutiny.
 
As this country develops the institutions of democracy, strengthening the role of Parliament is vital. Parliament exists in a democratic society to represent the people, to scrutinise the executive, to ensure not only the rule of law but good law, and to hold those who govern to account.

In our Parliament in Britain – known as the ‘Mother of Parliaments’ – we do not claim to get it all right. On the contrary, we make plenty of mistakes. But we have the advantage of experience and history, of lessons learned from our mistakes. We would never presume to suggest that our system is the only model for parliamentary democracy, nor the best, nor the model that you should emulate. But if there is knowledge, experience, expertise and ideas that we may be able to share, that – adapted to your own context, culture and customs – could help Parliamentarians in Naypyidaw strengthen their role, and ensure greater scrutiny, better laws, more transparency and accountability, and better government of, by and for the people, if there is a contribution we can make, then as friends of this country and its people, we would be delighted to be of service.
 
There is an Asian saying to the effect that a journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step. You have embarked on a new path in your journey towards freedom, democracy, justice and peace. It is a journey that you have been pursuing for decades, with a struggle for independence from colonial rule, a struggle against Japanese occupation, a struggle for ethnic rights, a struggle for democracy. Many of your people have engaged in that struggle with heroism and courage, and sacrifice, which deserve our deep respect. Some of us in Britain have tried, in our own small ways, to walk with you for at least some of that journey. And today I want to assure you that we will continue to do so. To do so until you reach the destination to which you have been journeying for so long. To do so until you achieve the freedom, democracy, justice, respect for human rights and peace which we in Britain have so long enjoyed and which you have too long been denied.
 
Thank you
In our Parliament in Britain – known as the ‘Mother of Parliaments’ – we do not claim to get it all right. On the contrary, we make plenty of mistakes. But we have the advantage of experience and history, of lessons learned from our mistakes. We would never presume to suggest that our system is the only model for parliamentary democracy, nor the best, nor the model that you should emulate. But if there is knowledge, experience, expertise and ideas that we may be able to share, that – adapted to your own context, culture and customs – could help Parliamentarians in Naypyidaw strengthen their role, and ensure greater scrutiny, better laws, more transparency and accountability, and better government of, by and for the people, if there is a contribution we can make, then as friends of this country and its people, we would be delighted to be of service.
 
There is an Asian saying to the effect that a journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step. You have embarked on a new path in your journey towards freedom, democracy, justice and peace. It is a journey that you have been pursuing for decades, with a struggle for independence from colonial rule, a struggle against Japanese occupation, a struggle for ethnic rights, a struggle for democracy. Many of your people have engaged in that struggle with heroism and courage, and sacrifice, which deserve our deep respect. Some of us in Britain have tried, in our own small ways, to walk with you for at least some of that journey. And today I want to assure you that we will continue to do so. To do so until you reach the destination to which you have been journeying for so long. To do so until you achieve the freedom, democracy, justice, respect for human rights and peace which we in Britain have so long enjoyed and which you have too long been denied.
 
Thank you