Friday 26 September 2014

Rohingya arrested north of Phuket in two vehicles heading south

Rohingya arrested north of Phuket in two vehicles heading south
Rohingya arrested north of Phuket in two vehicles heading south

Dear Feisty Farang,

The BRAT is continue appealing to the Thai Government to giving full access to UNHCR regarding Rohingya boat people and trace out human traffickers and book for trail . The BRAT also keep meet with international news medias and world leaders to highlight the plights of Rohingyas. The IOM ,IRC ,NHCT etc also keep in touch with Rohingya detainees. We request Thai Government and international communities to keep these vulnerable Rohingyas in Refugee camps. We don't get yet any satisfactory development . We also educate the Rohingyas through our channel to stop boat people coming . Due to constant genocidal action in their motherland people choice to leave the country . Their ancestral homeland becomes like a concentration camp.
If you have any question please contact to our email :brat.headoffice@gmail.com .
http//:rohingyathai.blogspot.com
Posted by Maung Kyaw Nu,President of Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand (BRAT) on September 27, 2014 02:57

Rohingya Apprehended in Two Vehicles North of PhuketRohingya Apprehended in Two Vehicles North of Phuket

By Chutima Sidasathian
Thursday, September 25, 2014
Latest Two vehicles carrying a total of 37 Rohingya have been seized on the road north of Phuket. Authorities believe the group was being trafficked. More »
please read here full --http://phuketwan.com/tourism/rohingya-apprehended-vehicles-north-phuket-21057/


How U Kyaw Hla Aung has faced throughout his life ?

U Kyaw Hla Aung served as a clerk in Sittway district civil court and Section judge court since 1961. In 1965, he became a stenographer. On September 7, 1983, he was retired from the services and became a lawyer in 1984. In 1986, he wrote an appeal letter in line with Burma's land seizing law, when the land of a group of farmers was seized during 1986. In this regard, the state council of Rakhine was not satisfied with his attempt to defend the rights of the land owners. He was arrested under emergency act 5 (Nya) on 25th August 1986. 

When he was arrested at the first time, he had to stay together with Pa Thein Sayadaw, (Buddhist monk) in a cell. Pa Thein Sayadaw (Buddhist monk) called some Rakhine Buddhist prisoners in Sittway prison and asked them to fulfill the needs of U Kyaw Hla Aung and some Rakhine prisoners took care of him. 

During 1988 unrest, there was demonstration inside Sittway prison on 25th August. A part of the wall of the prison was destroyed by some prisoners and the authorities shot at few of the prisoners. At the time, U Kyaw Hla Aung was in a private cell. In the evening, some students and town leaders requested the authorities to release the prisoners. The authorities had to release all prisoners during the night. 

U Kyaw Hla Aung and U Ba Thein Khin (a Rakhine Buddhist from Kan Taung Gyi) came to the house of U Kyaw Hla Aung in Pa Loke Taung Quarter (now Yee Nwe Su Quarter) at about mid night. In fact, some student leaders sent them to home safely. After 1988 unrest, when the courts were running properly, the case of U Kyaw Hla Aung appeared again. He explained the situation to the state judge, U Kyaw Thar and agreed to face the case. The judge allowed defending on bail. 

In 1989, he and his colleagues established National Democratic Party for Human Rights in the hope of achieving equal rights of the Muslims in Rakhine state (Arakan). In 1990 election, he stood for Member of Parliament from electorate (1), Sittway, Rakhine state. He was also vice-president of that party. Before the election, their party campaigned strongly for vote. When they were campaigning, he was again arrested on 10th April 1990 for the same case left before under emergency act 5 (Nya) and added two more cases: a case was under the penal code 224 and another case was under the penal code 6 (1). 

Therefore, the emergency case 5 (Nya) from the state court was taken to the military court (No. 36/Na Pa-Sa Ka/90) and he was sentenced to 14 years in prison on 21st May 1990. The rest two charges were transferred to Sittway state court. 

After he was jailed, some Rakhine Buddhist leaders and Muslim leaders got imprisonment as 5, 7 and 10 years respectively. Some Rakhine Buddhist political leaders urged U Kyaw Hla Aung to tell the Muslims to vote Rakhine party. He had to urge his party (NDPHR) to consider about that, but finally the Muslim population voted Kaman Muslims party by the majority's decision of NDPHR party. A Kaman lawyer, U Shwe Ya of Kaman Muslims party won in the 1990 election at electorate No. 1 of Sittway.  

The rest two charges on U Kyaw Hla Aung under the penal code 224 and 6 (1) were delayed in the court transferring from the military court to state court and again from state court to township court. Finally the case number 1708/92 under the penal code 224 and the case number 1709/92 under the penal code 6 (1) were proceeded at the township court. He got six months imprisonment with work respectively on 30th November 1992 and the judge made final decision on the cases of U Kyaw Hla Aung that he would spend six months in prison for both cases together.   

At the time, he was in the cell in Sittway prison after his first imprisonment under the act 5 (Nya) and he did not get any opportunity to appeal for the other two cases. And he did not get opportunity to meet his family members and the lawyer either. After he stayed in a private cell over four years, he was allowed by prison authorities to stay at a private room in prison hospital. 

In 1994, when National Convention was started, the former military regime declared amnesty in order to reduce some prisoners' imprisonments which were above 10 years to 10 years. U Kyaw Hla Aung's 14 years imprisonment under emergency act 5 (Nya) was reduced to 10 years. It means that his first imprisonment 14 years became 10 years imprisonment and the rest six months imprisonment remained for the other two cases. 

The prison authorities requested him to help write the appeals of the other prisoners and he helped write the appeals. Some prisoners were released and some prisoners' imprisonments were reduced by Supreme Court. U Kyaw Hla Aung was released on 28th August, 1997. He has worked at the office of Medicine Sans Frontier (MSF) as an administrator since 1998.

On 10th June 2012, some of Rakhine extremists posted a rumor on the website, Freedom News Group. It was said that the police got 2 boxes of weapons at his house in front of Law Kha Nan Dar pagoda (Yee Nwe Su Quarter), and he was arrested. When one of his sons got that rumor, he made phone call to his family. His family members said U Kyaw Hla Aung was sleeping at home at about 10:00 pm (Myanmar time). The rumor was posted at about 09:45 pm (Myanmar time) on the same day. Finally, they knew that Rakhine nationalists had pre-planned to attack the Muslims' villages in Sittway. MSF also tried to prevent the rumor next day, but could not do that.  

The next afternoon, on 11th June 2012, more than 500 Rakhine nationalists came and destroyed U Kyaw Hla Aung's house. Their family moved to the mosque beside their garden and the villagers also moved there. U Kyaw Hla Aung was arrested at the same time and the extremists destroyed all the houses in that village.

All the villagers were protected by the police and military. The security forces helped them to stay in the remaining two houses and in the mosque for a night. The next afternoon, 400-500 Rakhine nationalists surrounded the village (Yee Ngwe Su Quarter) again and some of them wanted to kill Muslim young men but the security forces prevented from killing the people and arranged to move the Muslims to Muslim populated area by the military trucks. In fact, they were moved to Muslim populated area, Thae Chaung village.  

U Kyaw Hla Aung could not know any things about the rest family members and the villagers whether they were protected or killed. Fortunately, they were protected by the security forces. He was charged under the penal code 505 (B). The authorities mentioned that they got the letter that could prove he had connection with Al Qai dar. 

Actually, they could not get anything illegal in the houses in that village. On the website, it mentioned "2 boxes of weapons were found" but later the authorities mentioned that they got the letter related to Al Quai dar. The accusation and rumor were very different. 

In reality, their family members cannot even spell the term Al Qai Dar because they are not familiar with such names. And their family members use Arakanese Muslim's language, Rakhine language, as well as Burmese, and some can speak English.   

In actual fact, U Kyaw Hla Aung was the one who firstly condemned terrorism after September 11 attack on World Trade Center in USA. He did campaign against the religious extremism and prevented the Muslims from supporting Islamic extremists. He tended to mention "Rakhine Buddhists and Burman Buddhists as well as Christians were created by God/Allah who created us in the same way. It is not acceptable to discriminate against Non-Muslims." 

When international community pressurized, by different ways, Myanmar government and Rakhine state government, the President Thein Sein asked the authorities to send detail of his case and his biography. President Thein Sein read all details and commanded the Rakhine government to release those who were related to MSF (Holland) and NGOs. He was released on 16th August 2012.  It means that there were no charges on him and the evidences which could prove the rumor, and accusation. 

U Kyaw Hla Aung was retired from his job of MSF local office after he was released in August 2012 because of his old age and different pressure from different sides on MSF. In fact, their family members could not even work with any organizations for their survival because Rakhine extremists and the authorities put pressure not to accept their family members for any job. 

When Mr. Derek Mitchell, Ambassador of United States Embassy in Yangon went to Sittway, they met with U Kyaw Hla Aung. He mentioned "the term Bengali was used after Bangladesh got independence. When Bangladesh was East Pakistan, the government of Burma used the Arakanese Muslims." When he mentioned this, Rakhine state's minister heard the interpretation. He was not satisfied with U Kyaw Hla Aung's explanations about the Arakanese history. 

Another case is that, many INGOs and NGOs including diplomats met with U Kyaw Hla Aung regarding Arakan violence in order to get real information. The Rakhine state's government does not want him to tell the truth about human rights violation and the history of Arakanese Muslims to the foreigners. He also developed 14 schools for IDPs in Sittway between September 2012 and June 2013 in order to facilitate the education of the Muslims. He was the head of the committee.    
  
On 26th April 2013, the Muslims were forced to accept the term Bengali when the immigration and the police tried to do population census. Some children demonstrated reciting the term "Rohingya" and some children threw the stones to the police. This happened in another village, but not near the house U Kyaw Hla Aung's family temporary stays. And the authorities stopped to collect family lists, census. They also arrested few Muslim community leaders. Some of them are not released yet. 

On the same day in Boduba IDP camps, when the police created the problem with the Muslims, a group of Muslims attacked the police. A police man ran into a house. The house owner is the son of U Kyaw Hla Aung's friend who calls him "Uncle". That police was taken by the security forces after the house owner informed about tension to the authorities.  A group of IDPs Muslims tried to set fire his house because of misunderstanding on each other. Another man who is very close to U Kyaw Hla Aung, as his cousin, requested to prevent the group IDPs from burning that house down. U Kyaw Hla Aung was sleeping at temporary house at the time. As soon as he received information, he made phone call to the heads of Muslim IDPs, and prevented the Muslims from burning that house down.  

The authorities suspected that he is the only one who urged the people not to accept the term "Bengali". Since then, the authorities have been threatening him. The police came to arrest him many times by different ways, but he did not meet them.  During Ramdan month of Islam, he was taking a rest at the temporary house. On 15th July 2013 between 11:30 am, and 12 noon, a police officer and two men without uniform (may be Special Branch police) came by a car and they asked him to go together with them. 

They gave the reason; they have to ask some questions. The police said that "we will ask some questions only and bring him back."

Some INGOs such as Amnesty International, The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders & International Federation for Human Rights, Front Line Defenders issued Urgent Action, Urgent Appeal, and condemned arbitrary arrest of U Kyaw Hla Aung. 

U Kyaw Hla Aung has been on trial under the acts 148, 150, and 333. Rakhine state government again added more penal codes on him. According to reliable information, he has been facing many allegations under the penal codes 148, 150, 332, 333, 395, 505 (B), and 109.

On 30th December 2013, the President of Myanmar declared his pardon on some cases of the prisoners. The act 505 (B) was dropped and the rests were remained but transferred to Supreme Court in Nay Pyi Daw. On 8th January 2014, Supreme Court in Nay Pyi Daw decided to transfer all the cases to Sittway district court again. 

Additional: 

U Kyaw Hla Aung told to his family members that all the allegations were automatically dropped because there are no witnesses from the government side and the penal code 147 was added again. He did not tell clearly how many penal codes remained and were added by Sittway district court. He was worrying for his family members and told them there were no penal codes. In fact, he did not want his family members to hear worrisome news of himself he mentioned. That is why; he did not tell the truth of his trial. 

On 24th June, three Muslim community leaders were released. Two of them (U Kyaw Khin and U San Lin) were sentenced to one year imprisonment but they had to stay in custody for a year before imprisonment. They two were released and another one (U Ba Thar) was released as no guilt was found. 

U Kyaw Hla Aung, U Kyaw Myint and Hla Myint (the son of U Kyaw Myint) have been on trial at the court under the penal codes 148, 150, 332, 333, 395 and 109.
They three appeared at the court many times within few months. The local authorities directly intervened in judicial system in Rakhine state district court since they were arrested. It is believed that systemic planning for the arrest of U Kyaw Hla Aung was implemented by the extremists and Rakhine state authorities. It can be seen clearly there is no independence of judiciary and no rule of law in Rakhine state (Arakan). 

The local authorities tried to force some Burman immigration and a soldier to be the witnesses from the government side. The Burman immigration never came back to appear at the court. Only one Burman soldier appeared at the court and stated fairly about the incident happened in April 2013. He did not say anything against U Kyaw Hla Aung. 
A Kaman Muslim police was threatened and forced to be witness from government side. Even though the police tried very hard to force him to be witness against U Kyaw Hla Aung, his statement was wrong and it was rejected.
The court allowed the witnesses for the defense U Kyaw Hla Aung, U Kyaw Myint and Hla Myint to appear at the court. But the local police prevented the witnesses from going to Sittway district court for few weeks. In fact, the Muslims need security police in order to go to downtown Sittway because the Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists have been separated since June 2012 after the violence. Without security, the Muslims cannot go to downtown. Some Muslims witnesses from their sides tried to go to the court but district police officer urged the police not to provide security for the witnesses. 

The court framed the charges 148, 150, 333 and 109. From the government side, they cannot find the witnesses except a Kaman Muslim police who was forced by non-Muslims police. The court reserved the other penal code 395.
They three appeared on 22nd, 23rd, and 24th September. On 22nd September, the witnesses were not provided security to go to the court. On 23rd September, they were provided security but the witnesses from U Kyaw Hla Aung's side are not allowed to go. On 24th September, the security was not given for them and the witnesses could not go to the court. They appeared at the court on 25th and the witness could go after giving pressure upon the police from different sides.
On 26th September, they were sentenced to one and half years (1 year and 6 months) imprisonment under the charges 148 and 150. The rest charges were dropped.


Written by: Son of U Kyaw Hla Aung
On 14th September 2013
Edited on 27th September 2014            
        
# U Kyaw Hla Aung is now at the age 75.

Thursday 25 September 2014

The Guardian home


Cambodia refugee deal: Australia to give $40m aid over the next four yearsCambodia refugee deal: Australia to give $40m aid over the next four years

Immigration minister Scott Morrison will sign deal on Friday to allow asylum seekers on Nauru to be resettled in Cambodia.

theguardian.com, Friday 26 September 2014 


Asylum seekers in the detention centre on Nauru. Asylum seekers in the detention centre on Nauru. Photograph: Department of Immigration/AAP

The immigration minister has said Australia will give $40m in aid to Cambodia over the next four years, on the eve of signing a controversial deal to resettle asylum seekers in one of the poorest nations in South-East Asia.

On Friday Scott Morrison will sign a historic deal in person in Cambodia that will allow asylum seekers who are currently on Nauru to be resettled there.

The policy has been roundly condemned by human rights groups and the Australian Greens, who have expressed serious concerns about sending asylum seekers to Cambodia.

World Bank figures estimate that more than 20% of its population is living below the poverty line. Cambodia also rates below North Korea on Transparency International's most recent corruption perception index, placing it at 160 out of 177 countries surveyed.

The United Nations Refugee Agency was also unaware of the details of the agreement when it became public last week.

When asked what Cambodia would be given in return for the asylum seeker deal, Morrison told ABC Radio: "The most important thing we're giving them is our expertise. Cambodia wants to be a country that can resettle refugees properly and they're seeking our advice and expertise on how we can do that."

"But in addition to that, and it's not driven by this, I should stress, the Australian government will be providing over four years $40m to support various overseas development aid projects. That's on top of the $79m or thereabouts we currently provide in aid to Cambodia."

Amnesty International said the deal was a new low in Australia's treatment of asylum seekers.

"This agreement is putting the short-term political interests of the Australian government ahead of the protection of some of the world's most vulnerable people – refugees," said Rupert Abbott, deputy Asia-Pacific director at Amnesty International.

Elaine Pearson, Australia director at Human Rights Watch, said the deal with Cambodia "will send people to a country that has a terrible record for protecting refugees and is mired in serious human rights abuses".

When questioned on whether he had concerns about sending asylum seekers to the country Morrison said: "Well, I don't necessarily agree with that absolute assessment because in the seven years to 2011 the percentage of people in poverty in Cambodia has fallen from over 50% to around 20%."

"I mean this is a country that is trying to get on its feet; this is a country that is making great progress."

The Refugee Council of Australia's chief executive officer, Paul Power, said Australia "cannot possibly expect" that Cambodia could support asylum seekers who need to recover from trauma and settle them successfully.

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/26/cambodia-refugee-deal-australia-to-give-40m-aid-over-the-next-four-years

Tuesday 23 September 2014

FCCT Logo
 Following the Money: Spending on Anti-TraffickingFollowing the Money: Spending on Anti-Trafficking


Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW) invites you to the launch event for the Anti-Trafficking Review, Issue 3

 
antitraffickingreview.jpg
 
6:30-8.00pm, 23 September 2014


This is not an FCCT-sponsored event. It is a paid function and responsibility for program content is solely that of the event organizer
 
Where does the money for anti-trafficking work come from? Who does it go to? What does it actually achieve?

The new issue of GAATW's insightful journal the Anti-Trafficking Review examines these critical questions about funding for the sector. For the first time, GAATW and journal authors attempt to look at the money spent on anti-trafficking work and reveal what kinds of organisations and work have been supported by anti-trafficking funding, and what work has been sidelined as a result.

Please join us on 23 September and hear from authors featured in the journal.

Published by GAATW, the Anti-Trafficking Review is a rigorously peer-reviewed academic journal that promotes the human rights of trafficked and migrating people.

The journal is an open-source publication with a readership in 78 countries.

RSVP:jasmin@gaatw.org

www.antitraffickingreview.org
 

 
Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand
Penthouse, Maneeya Center Building

Monday 8 September 2014

‘Burma’s Population Is Only 51 Million—We Lose in Geopolitics’



By | Friday, September 5, 2014 |

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Burma's first nationwide census in more than 30 years found that the population of the country is just 51.4 million, according to provisional data released last week.

In the time since the last count, various organizations have taken guesses at just how much the population had grown, but the government's claim of 60 million was the most widely used estimate. The Burmese people and policymakers must now adjust to the reality of a country smaller than most thought.

Salai Isaac Khen—an ethnic Chin activist and director of the Gender and Development Initiative Myanmar—is a member of National Technical Advisory Board for the census. Following the announcement of provisional results, he spoke to The Irrawaddy about what impacts the revision will have on development policy.

Question: What do you think of the provisional results of the census from a civil society point of view?

Answer: Actually, the census is done for good reasons: It's difficult to plan without census data. But, we've got a variety of ethnic nationalities and the coding of 135 ethnicities used in the census is wrong. There was no proper announcement about this to the public, which put people off.

The provisional results were announced at first, without announcing how many Burmese, Kachin or Chin there are. The data collected included controversial things. Some people say the census data can be used for voter lists, so these provisional results have avoided sensitive issues.

Q: How will the lower-than-expected population figure of 51.4 million impact upon development policy?

A: There could be changes because a population gap of 10 million is a lot, especially in development planning. When the state budget is drawn for townships, it is calculated based on population. This means the previous budget was based on 60 million people. There are only 50 million now. Isn't the amount for those 10 million wasted? It is. Waste means corruption. We've never heard that the allocated budget has been sufficient for the existing population.

We also need to think why there is a 10 million population gap. Do we have 10 million people living outside Burma?

In Malaysia, the Chin population is in between 80,000 and 100,000, according to a count by ethnic community.

Q: Overall, how would you judge the census, weighing up the benefits and weaknesses?

A: In general, this is an exercise in collecting data. Some data cannot be collected. There were challenges and difficulties that will have to be considered in the next census. But we don't accept that the census was extremely well prepared. When the UNFPA [the UN Population Fund] or the Census Commission claimed the census questionnaire reached all people at the grassroots, it was not only because of their effort. It's also the effort of ethnic organizations worrying that their ethnic groups might be left out in the headcount. For example, the Chin used about US$10,000 for this.

The census makes us realize that we have to be very careful in handling issues concerning ethnicity. The central government cannot do whatever they want, telling a person to be 'stone' or 'leaf,' for example.

Even though it's said to be 30 years [since the last census], it's actually 60 years. Thirty years ago the data was collected during the socialist government. The administration was one-party rule and ethnic groups did not have freedom of expression or involvement in decisions. Then, it became 135 ethnicities. Whether it was true or not, [the late dictator Gen.] Ne Win liked the number nine, so he made it a multiple of nine.

We can conclude that those who have decided there are 135 ethnic groups did so not because they are stupid, but because they were not allowed to speak the truth.

The census is claimed to be technical. But technical is political. It can be used in future politics.

Q: What will be the future consequences of these census results?

A: Sometimes, data is political. Especially in geopolitics, population is one of the factors. Let's say Burma's population is only 51 million—we lose in geopolitics. How many people does China have? [1.35 billion]. What about India? [1.24 billion]? What about Bangladesh? 100 million. Thailand has got 60 million. We've got only 51 million. We lose.

In a country, when you have less population with more space, people will come in. We haven't got educational, economic or technical power. The only thing we have is military power. Singapore has got economic and educational power. So, there will be the idea that military power is a more secure option than democracy.

When the ethnic numbers are revealed, there will be strength and weakness according to geopolitics. It would be no problem if everybody was inclusive about the variety of ethnic groups. But this is not the case in Arakan State. How many people have been inclusively considered?

In Arakan, not to mention Bengalis, there are Kaman, Thet, Chin, Kami and Maran. They were never treated as equal. So, when lining up how many Arakanese there are, as an major ethnicity, we might be creating 'segregation' mindsets in the future. Similarly with religions: How can we avoid this? Religion is a private matter

Saturday 6 September 2014

Govt rejects ‘Rohingya’ repatriation reports

 By Tim McLaughlin and Ei Ei Toe Lwin   |   Thursday, 04 September 2014

Government officials have moved to distance themselves from media reports that Myanmar would resettle thousands of Rohingya currently residing in Bangladesh, highlighting the continued rift between the countries on the repatriation process, which has been stalled since 2005.
 
Reports from Bangladesh and Myanmar media over the weekend said that Myanmar had agreed to allow around 2000 Rohingya refugees to be repatriated following discussions between Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Md Shahidul Haque and Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U Thant Kyaw in Dhaka.

The Daily Star, an English-language broadsheet based in Dhaka, hailed the development in an editorial, calling it a "very positive move".

While Myanmar officials have confirmed the country is considering accepting 2415 confirmed Myanmar nationals for repatriation, U Thant Kyaw has since denied the term Rohingya was used by Bangladeshi officials during their meetings.

"With regard to the term 'Rohingya' I explained to the state minister for home affairs during our meeting that we have never had ethnic nationals called 'Rohingya' according to the officials list of indigenous ethnic groups of Myanmar as well as our historical records," U Thant Kyaw was quoted as saying in state media on September 4.
His comments followed a post by U Zaw Htay, a director in the President's Office, who on September 2 took to Facebook to discredit reports that those being resettled were "Rohingya".

"Myanmar will not accept this as what was agreed between our countries, no matter what they announce in the media," he said.
"At the meeting Myanmar just agreed to form a joint committee to check the 2415 people agreed [for repatriation] in 2005," he said, adding that it was not certain Myanmar would accept them.

He said the use of the term "Rohingya" by Bangladeshi officials could damage relations between the two countries.
This latest disagreement in the long-delayed repatriation process centres around 2415 individuals who were verified as Myanmar citizens by the Myanmar authorities in 2005 but refused to be repatriated. Myanmar has said that it is now open to taking them back if they meet four criteria, including that they return of their free will.

U Thant Kyaw said that due to the amount of time that had passed, the verification process would have to be re-conducted to ensure they are still eligible.  A joint working group would also need to be established with Bangladesh for the process to move forward, casting considerable doubt on claims from Bangladeshi officials that the process would be able to start within the next two months.

Myanmar refuses to recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic group, describing it as a recently created name rather than an ethnic designation. It refers to them instead Bengalis and characterises them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh who have arrived since the British occupation. However, Bangladesh appears wary of using the term as well: Mr Haque objected to its use during an interview with The Myanmar Times last year, insisting instead that they be called "undocumented Myanmar nationals".

Large numbers of Rohingya Muslims entered Bangladesh from Myanmar in 1978 and again in 1991-92, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). More fled to Bangladesh during clashes in Rakhine State during October and June 2012, although many were turned back by border forces.

The repatriation process started after the 1991-92 influx when the UNHCR helped broker a deal between the two countries.
However, UNHCR pulled out of the program in December 1992 over concerns that there was a lack of security for those returning to Myanmar. It also found cases of forced repatriation and the Bangladesh government blocked UNHCR officials from accessing refugee camps.
The UN agency returned the following year when it signed a new agreement with both the Bangladesh and Myanmar governments to monitor repatriations. Between mid-1992 and 1997, more than 230,000 Rohingya were sent back to Myanmar.

But the process stopped completely in July 2005 when the Myanmar government refused to extend the deadline for the original agreement and blocked some repatriation efforts. Plans to restart it in 2009 ground to a halt when about 9000 refugees cleared for repatriation refused to return to Myanmar.

According to the UNHCR, there are between 200,000 and 500,000 self-described Rohingya in Bangladesh. About 32,000 refugees are documented and living in two government camps near Cox's Bazar, on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, while the rest are stateless.

However, concerns remain over the repatriation process, particularly for Muslims returning to Rakhine State. Judith Cefkin, US senior adviser on Myanmar, said in February that Myanmar is not yet ready to accept repatriated Rohingya refugees and warned that pushing Rohingya to return to Rakhine State would place them in "a very dangerous situation".

But U Hla Win, a Rakhine State Hluttaw representative for Myebon, said he welcomed the government's decision to repatriate Myanmar nationals from Bangladesh. He said members of some ethnic groups, including Rakhine, Dinet, Myo, Thet, Khami and Chin – are living in poor conditions in refugee camps in Bangladesh.

"The government should not only invite them to come back, but also make sure there is a plan for resettlement and rehabilitation," U Hla Win said. "The government should also check very carefully whether they are Myanmar citizens because others are waiting to take this chance to become Myanmar citizens."
source :Myanmar Times

Monday 1 September 2014

Making a Mockery of Democracy

By | Tuesday, September 2, 2014 |
0
 U Win Tin, a co-founder of the National League for Democracy and a former political prisoner, was clear about his political goals. (Photo: Steve Tickner)

U Win Tin, a co-founder of the National League for Democracy and a former political prisoner, was clear about his political goals. (Photo: Steve Tickner)

When the generals who previously ruled Myanmar first said in 2003 that they wanted to introduce a "discipline-flourishing democracy," it was far from clear what they meant. Presumably, it would be different from so-called "Western-style democracy," but beyond that, it was anybody's guess what they had in mind.

At the time, more cynical observers suggested that the term was nothing more than a euphemism for military rule behind a democratic façade. Most likely, they said, the new, post-junta dispensation would have a constitution and an elected parliament made up of civilians, or generals and colonels who had become civilians, but the military would retain effective veto power over any attempts to change that constitution.

All of this turned out to be true. Under Myanmar's 2008 Constitution, the Tatmadaw, or armed forces, controls 25 percent of seats in both houses of the national legislature, and amendments require the approval of more than 75 percent of lawmakers. Other provisions also empower the Tatmadaw's commander-in-chief to assume direct and absolute control in the event of a national "emergency"—which could mean a popular uprising or any other threat to the military's de facto supremacy.

Now, four years after a deeply flawed election that was boycotted by the National League for Democracy, it is more obvious than ever that the cynics were right.

It is undeniable that progress has been made. Political parties can now operate openly, and although the government has become less tolerant of the media during the past year, there is nevertheless more press freedom and freedom of expression than at any time since the military seized power in 1962.

But, as U Aung Tun, a Myanmar journalist living in the United States, pointed out in an opinion piece for Asia Times Online last year, Myanmar's "discipline-flourishing democracy" is a "near equivalent to the term 'illiberal democracy' coined by US journalist and commentator Fareed Zakaria."

The whole idea of a "discipline-flourishing democracy" is based on the notion that there could be different kinds of democracy, one suitable for the West and another for countries outside Europe and North America. This is very similar to the idea of "Asian values" that was touted in the 1990s by then Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed and Singapore's senior statesman Lee Kuan Yew. They argued that Asian people would have to forego personal freedoms for the sake of political stability and economic progress—and that this political model was somehow rooted in Asian cultures.

Their claim that "Western-style" democracy doesn't suit Asian nations has since been echoed by China, which has been promoting its own philosophy of "harmony." A commentary in the online edition of the state-run People's Daily published in March 2005 explained what the word means in a Chinese context: "Harmony is both an ancient social ideal as well as our actual choice. Harmony will open up a broader world for future humankind and provide humanity with inexhaustible driving force for its development."

Again, a different set of values for Asian and non-Asian cultures.

Critics would of course argue that "discipline-flourishing democracy," "Asian values," and China's state philosophy of "harmony" are all merely excuses for maintaining authoritarianism. And the proponents of these concepts have conveniently forgotten that the first time Asian—and at that time also African—nations declared their set of values was at a conference that was held in the Indonesian city of Bandung in April 1955.

That event brought together 25 Asian and African nations, among them Myanmar and other countries that had just managed to throw off the yoke of colonialism. Indonesia's President Sukarno played host to "Third World" leaders such as India's dignified statesman Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Egypt's firebrand leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, Sir John Kotelawala of Sri Lanka (then Ceylon), Myanmar's U Nu and the mercurial Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia. The Bandung conference led to the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961.

Although democracy as such was not on the agenda in Bandung, the participants were clearly opposed to the idea of one set of values for the West—which at that time meant the colonial powers—and another for the then mostly newly independent nations of Asia and Africa.

At that time, it was the Western powers that advocated the idea that there could be two sets of values, one for themselves and another for the peoples of the Third World.

Rights for All

A. Appadorai, general secretary of the Indian Council of World Affairs, wrote in a booklet published half a year after the Bandung conference that "when European people think of peace, they think of it only in the terms of Europe. In the imagination of European thinkers the world seems to be confined to areas inhabited by European races. The vast continent of Asia … containing as it does some of the most ancient civilizations, and holding the vast majority of the world's population, does not come into the picture at all."

The participants at the Bandung conference made it clear that human rights should be the same for "all peoples everywhere." They referred to the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, saying that there should be no double standards.

Several decades later, however, some authoritarian leaders in Asia began to argue the opposite under the guise of "Asian values" and similar concepts. But there can be no nation, no culture in the world that does not have freedom, including personal freedom, as a fundamental value.

Ordinary Decent Values

In practice, that means that people want to be able to speak their minds without fear of arrest, and to decide for themselves who should hold power in their own country. In no culture anywhere would a parent want to see their sons and daughters dragged away in the middle of the night to a prison or torture center simply for expressing a political preference. Abhorrence of such abuses of power is universal, and any attempt to justify them in the name of "Asian values," "harmony" or "discipline-flourishing democracy" is an insult to the values of decent people everywhere.

I have sometimes heard the bizarre argument that democracy is an alien concept in Myanmar because "dimokresi" is a loanword from the English language. This is utter nonsense. Even setting aside the fact that other countries equally remote from the West have their own words for democracy—Thais, for example, use "prachatipatai," a word derived from Pali and Sanskrit that is similar to the terms for democracy used in Laos and Cambodia—the English language clearly has no special claim to the concept either. After all, "democracy" is borrowed from the Greek words "demos" and "kratos," meaning "common people" and "strength" or "rule," respectively. So according to the argument of those who don't think Myanmar could or should be a democracy, only Greece and perhaps some parts of India would have the right to be democratic.

It is high time to remind everyone of what was discussed and said in Bandung in 1955. There cannot be two different sets of values, one for the West and another for Asia and, presumably, the rest of the world. We are all human beings, and as such have the same need to protect ourselves from tyranny and repression, wherever it may occur or whatever shape it may take.

And it is worth remembering the words of Myanmar's foremost advocate of democracy, the late journalist and writer U Win Tin: "What we have to do these days is make way for a new politics that can break down the mechanism of the military dictatorship, rather than being corralled into a political arena made by the government."

The first step would be to accept the fact that cultures may be different, but certain values are undeniably universal.

This article first appeared in the September 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

plese here ---http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/magazine-politics/making-mockery-democracy.html

Burma Releases Preliminary Results From First Census in Decades

By | Monday, September 1, 2014 |

RANGOON — Preliminary results have been released from Burma's first census in since 1982, detailing the number of people who now live in the county's cities, states and divisions.


The results, released by the Ministry of Immigration and Population and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) on Saturday, indicate that the total population of the country is 51.4 million—lower than many previous estimates. The government estimated there were more than 57 million people in Burma at the time of the 2008 Constitution referendum, and the number has been widely estimated at more than 60 million in recent years.


Millions have gone abroad as jobs in Burma have been scarce and poorly paid compared with the country's economically dynamic neighbors. Uneven migration may also account for the census' finding that there are almost 1.7 million more women than men in Burma.

"The provisional census data does not include migrant workers," Immigration and Population Minister
Khin Yi said at a press conference in Rangoon. "We don't know the number of Burmese migrant workers."

More detailed results expected in May 2015 will include some information on Burmese who are living overseas from immigration data, but many will likely still be missed out as they are working abroad illegally, mainly in Thailand and Malaysia.

Some areas could not be reached by census enumerators in March and April, so estimates have been made about the populations in those places.

More than 1 million people in Arakan State were not allowed to fill out the census as they insisted on identifying themselves as Rohingya, a name for a Muslim minority group that is not recognized by the government. This segment accounts for 31 percent of the total population of Arakan State.

Some 25 village tracts in Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army were not included in the census, but their population was estimated at 46,660. The government was also not able to take the census in areas controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU) Brigade (5) in Karen State, but, according to KNU-provided data, the population there was 69,753.

According to the provisional census data, Burma's urban population is 14,864,119, accounting for 29.6 percent of the total. Rangoon tops the list of the most populous cities with 5,209,541 persons, followed by Mandalay with more than 1.23 million and the administrative capital Naypyidaw is third with more than 1.16 million.

Haka in Chin State has the smallest urban population with just 48,226 people, followed by Dawei in Tenasserim Division with 125,239 and Loikaw in Karenni State with 128,837.

Population density is highest in Rangoon Division with 723 persons per square kilometer. The population density for the city itself was not calculated.

The average population density across the country is 76 per square kilometer, with Chin State the most sparsely populated area with only 13 per square kilometer, followed by Kachin State with 19 per square kilometer.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/burma-releases-preliminary-results-first-census-decades.html

KNU Chairman Threatens to Withdraw From Ethnic Alliance


 WITHOUT ROHINGYA AND MUSLIMS OF BURMA PEACE IN BURMA IS UNPREDICTABLE!

Many international observers are not very pleased of PEACE PROCESS  because of keeping aside oppressed Rohingyas from it . From Arakan The UNFC and MPC include four racist Rakine groups but none of the Rohingya and Muslim from proper group is invited there .Remarkably two Muslim armed of DAB  kept aside from this peace processs gathering . The respective chair of ABMU and MLOB U Tin Maung Thet and U Kyaw Hla told me their disappointment in this regards . We also realized that the MPC U Aung Min is more successful than General Khin Nyunt to dividing ethnics and Religious minority . It is more than true that a new schism a destroyed the largest group KNU as well as weaken UNFC . The strongest armed group WA and its ally are also under mining the unity process not attending .
  Many attentdees were already bought by awarding duty free cars. The opportunists are nearlly watched by the people.
Maung Kyaw Nu
BRAT.
 By | Monday, September 1, 2014 |
Members of the UNFC at the congress in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Saturday. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)
Members of the UNFC at the congress in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Saturday. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)
   CHIANG MAI, Thailand — In a heated twist to the congress of a major ethnic alliance, the chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU) walked out in the middle of meetings over the weekend and threatened to withdraw from the grouping.

Mutu Say Poe, chairman of the KNU, which is one of the biggest rebel groups in Burma, left the congress of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) on Sunday morning in Chiang Mai, Thailand, citing disagreements over policy and the council's structure. He was joined by the KNU's deputy chairman and secretary, as well as a member of its central executive committee and an administrative staffer.

But two other KNU delegates stayed behind—including joint secretary Padoh Mahn Mahn as well as David Tharckabaw, who is deputy chairman of the UNFC—revealing a new schism in the already divided Karen rebel group. On Monday, while the faction led by Mutu Say Poe said in a letter to the UNFC that they were indefinitely suspending their membership in the alliance, the other faction said in a separate letter that they wanted to remain members. Both sides will meet to discuss the matter before making a final decision, the letters said.
The KNU's participation or absence from the UNFC could have ramifications as the government seeks to sign a nationwide ceasefire deal with ethnic rebel groups around the country. While some KNU leaders have been cautious about engaging in peace talks after six decades of civil war, the chairman is more pro-government and enthusiastic about the nationwide ceasefire deal.

He and the four other KNU delegates walked out of the UNFC congress after calling for changes to the ethnic alliance's structure that were widely opposed. "A majority of UNFC members do not agree with the KNU's proposed structure," Nai Hong Sar, general secretary of the UNFC, told The Irrawaddy. "So they [the KNU] said they needed to discuss with their leaders back at their headquarters."

The UNFC is currently led by a chairman and deputy chairman, with a central executive committee and a policy implementation body. Mutu Say Poe proposed a looser structure, with a new "political leadership body" leading policy and the secretariat to implement policy—changes that would likely decrease the KNU's responsibility.

Nai Hong Sar said confusion over the KNU's membership in the UNFC would not spill over to ceasefire negotiations with the government. "It will have no effect on the KNU's representation in the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT)," he said, referring to a grouping of 16 ethnic groups, including many from the UNFC, which is preparing to sign the nationwide ceasefire deal. Nai Hong Sar and a KNU secretary Pado Kwe Htoo Win are both spokesmen for the NCCT.

The UNFC is holding its first congress in three and a half years. The meetings were expected to wrap up late last week but were continuing on Monday.

With reporting by Saw Yan Naing.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/knu-chairman-threatens-withdraw-ethnic-alliance.html

Source:The Irrawaddy