Friday, 24 May 2013

For Immediate Release - Burma: Japanese Leader’s Visit Should Highlight Rights

Credid-HRW

http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/05/23/burma-japanese-leader-s-visit-should-highlight-rights

For Immediate Release
Burma: Japanese Leader’s Visit Should Highlight Rights
Development Aid, Investment Should Not Encourage Abuses
(Tokyo, May 24, 2013) – Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe should make improving the human rights situation in Burma a top priority during his visit to the country this week, Human Rights Watch said today. Abe’s three-day visit, which begins May 24, 2013, will be the first by a Japanese leader to Burma in 36 years. Dozens of major Japanese corporations will accompany the prime minister.
Despite important changes in Burma, key human rights pledges by Burmese leaders remain unrealized, Human Rights Watch said. These include granting full humanitarian access to ethnic conflict areas, releasing all remaining political prisoners, amending abusive laws, and allowing the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to establish offices in the country.
“As Burma’s biggest aid donor and a major investor, Japan can play a critical role by pressing harder for human rights reforms and protections,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Aid and investment in Burma should not ignore needed reforms in the rule of law, transparency, and accountability.”
Japan is the largest aid donor to Burma, having extended US$500 million in the last year for concessional loans, and US$200 million in grant aid and technical assistance for agricultural development, health, and disaster preparedness. Abe is expected to announce a 50 percent increase in Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) during his visit, and a major program to revamp Burma’s postal system. Under the 1991 “Four Principles of ODA” and the ODA Charter of 1992, Japan has pledged to pay full attention to democracy, basic human rights, and freedoms in its aid decisions.
The Japanese government should ensure that investments and development projects do not contribute to land seizures and forced displacement throughout Burma, Human Rights Watch said. For instance, international telecommunications companies risk being linked to human rights abuses if they enter the Burmese market before adequate protections are in place. The Burmese government has not yet created a legal framework for the telecommunications sector that respects basic human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression and privacy. Two Japanese companies are participating in the tender process for two nationwide telecommunications licenses that Burma’s government will award in June.
“Japan has significant leverage to push the Burmese government in the right direction and pursue rights-respecting development that places public participation at its core,” Adams said. “Japan’s leaders should make sure that implementation of their aid projects match the rights rhetoric around them.”
Human Rights Watch called on Japan to ensure that its companies invest responsibly and transparently to avoid contributing to human rights abuses. Japanese companies should be required to respect human rights and take concrete steps – known as “human rights due diligence” – to prevent and address any rights abuses. The Japanese government should also mandate public reporting on investment in Burma, in line with United States requirements that were finalized on May 23.
“Japan should frontload human rights concerns during the political and economic transition in Burma,” Adams said. “Development projects in Burma have frequently been synonymous with abuses such as forced labor, land evictions, and denial of basic rights, and Japan should use its leverage to ensure these abuses end.”

To view the Human Rights Watch news release, “Letter to Prime Minister Noda” please visit: http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/20/letter-prime-minister-noda-japan-s-aid-relationship-burma
To read the Human Rights Watch report “‘The Government Could Have Stopped This’:Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State,” please visit:http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/07/31/government-could-have-stopped
For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Burma, please visit:http://www.hrw.org/burma

For more information, please contact:In Tokyo, Riyo Yoshioka (English, Japanese): +81-80-3243-5079 (mobile); or yoshior@hrw.org
In Bangkok, Phil Robertson, (English, Thai): +66-85-060-8406 (mobile); or robertp@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @Reaproy
In Washington DC, John Sifton (English): +1-917-838-9736 (mobile); or siftonj@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @johnsifton
In San Francisco, Brad Adams (English): +1-510-926-8443 (mobile); or adamsb@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @BradAdams

Wednesday, 22 May 2013

Rohingyas face riot charges for refusing to register as ‘Bengali’

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By AYE NAI
Published: 22 May 2013

A man from a Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDP) camp carries a fishing net as he walks towards a beach to fish near his camp, outside of Sittwe

A man from a Rohingya IDP camp carries a fishing net as

Nine Rohingyas, who were arrested late last month for refusing to register as “Bengalis” at a displacement camp in western Burma, will be prosecuted for instigating riots, according to a state official.
Arakan state’s attorney general Hla Thein told DVB that the group is likely to be hit with multiple charges including rioting and injuring public servants, when they appear at their next court hearing on Sunday.
“They are going to be pressed with charges at the court on 26 May for rioting, hurting a public servant – a Tatmadaw (military) official was hospitalised after sustaining head injuries during the incident, aggravated theft for snatching phones off some public servants trying to report the situation to authorities and criminal intimidation for threatening to harm the public servants,” said Hla Thein.

On 26 April, scuffles broke out between displaced Rohingyas and government officials, who were compiling lists of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) under a programme headed by the Ministry of Immigration and Population.

The skirmish erupted after Rohingya inhabitants at Thetkalpyin and Bawdupha displacement camps near Sittwe refused to be registered as ‘Bengalis’ on the officials’ list.
Security forces reportedly fired shots in an attempt to disperse the crowd who were throwing rocks at officials and repeatedly chanting “Rohingya! Rohingya!” Shortly after the incident, seven individuals from Thetkalpyin and two from Bawdupha were detained by authorities.

After two episodes of ethno-religious rioting last year, more than 140,000 people, a majority of whom are Muslims, are still displaced and living in IDP camps in western Burma’s Arakan state.
In a highly anticipated report published in late April, a government-backed commission charged with investigating the violence recommended upping the number of security forces in the restive state and pinned the rioting on generations of bitterness. The commission also suggested providing the Rohingya minority with voluntary family planning.
The official report also refused to call the stateless Rohingya by name and rather referred to the ethnic minority as “Bengalis”, a term commonly used by government officials that implicitly infers that the group are illegal immigrants.

According to Arakan state’s attorney general, the population study that led to the scuffle was being conducting in accordance with recommendations made by the government-backed commission.
“The programme aims to find out how many legal and illegal inhabitants there are in Bengali refugee camps and their professions, to assist with the rehabilitation [process],” said the state’s attorney general Hla Thein.
“It was not meant to be a census – the Arakan Investigation Commission’s report recommended resettlement and rehabilitation programmes for local populations and for that, we need to study how we can provide them with assistance.”

Following the arrest of the nine Rohingyas, residents in the camps said they have been unable to secure any information about the suspects since they were detained.

“The [detainees] from Thetkalpyin are not allowed to have any visitors – we cannot send them food and have no information on their status. Their relatives in Rangoon were apparently looking for lawyers,” said a resident in Thetkalpyin camp.

Tags: Arakan commission, Arakan state, idps, Rohginya

Credit-DVB

Will Ethnic Tensions Undermine US-Myanmar Relations?

by Jim Della-Giacoma , Tuesday, May 21, 2013

The meeting yesterday between presidents Barack Obama and Thein Sein may have been more symbolic than substantive, but it is an important step towards a normal relationship for the United States and Myanmar. It will deepen the engagement of the two countries and move them closer to the broader partnership they want as the transition in the country Washington still calls Burma faces some grave internal challenges.

When Thein Sein took office at the end of March 2011, his inaugural address outlining an ambitious reform agenda was received with scepticism in the United States. But as he brought Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi over to his side, this tone began to change. The April 2012 by-elections saw the National League of Democracy enter Parliament as the largest non-government party. This was the single most important event that led to the reset button being hit on this bilateral relationship. Within the space of about a year, this formerly pariah nation had a new US ambassador and a visit from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and President Obama stopped by to deliver a landmark speech in Yangon. Decades-long sanctions were suspended.
What comes next? For a partnership to eventuate, the US will have to stand by Myanmar as it takes steps forwards–and back–for years to come. It will not always be smiles with the band playing anthems. In the last twelve months, we have seen new political freedoms let loose old hatreds in waves of anti-Muslim violence. This showed there is still much to do to transform this country into the tolerant one of Thein Sein’s televised speeches.

Key Conclusions

Three interconnected and difficult issues need attention for the country to move forward—citizenship for the Rohingya; building capacity in the police to prevent violence against Muslims; and re-envisioning the country as one that is multi-ethnic, multilingual, and multi-religious.
The transition from authoritarian rule to democracy could take decades. Key waypoints are the 2015 elections, implementing constitutional reforms, and the achievement of true civilian leadership.
The US should engage on a broad range of issues and stop using sanctions as a diplomatic tool. An enduring partnership would involve sustained support for the transition across the spectrum of political interests, and transitional development assistance would expand to include programs for education, health, and the media.

Analysis

The quick fix to stop violence is a home-grown one. Put simply, President Thein Sein’s strong word needs to be met with firm but not repressive action by local authorities. Violent extremism needs to be punished by the law, whoever commits it.

Beyond this, there are three areas that deserve special attention as Myanmar tries to resolve the underlying ethnic and religious tensions that could threaten its transition. It needs more encouragement and not threats from international policymakers, and where possible, offers of practical help to succeed.
First, the issue of citizenship for the Rohingya needs to be resolved. It will not be easy. Most Rohingya would qualify for citizenship—even under the present restrictive 1982 law—but are denied it through administrative discrimination, restrictions on freedom of movement, and most importantly because they often do not have the paperwork needed to prove their citizenship. Thein Sein has committed to addressing this issue, which was also a key recommendation of the Rakhine Investigation Commission that he established and that released its report in April.

There is a methodology for issuing citizenship cards without documentation, which is being used in the East of the country with populations in conflict-affected areas. It involves using a religious or local authority to vouch for a family, along with one other family. The government seems to be ready to extend such a program to the Rohingya, but it is highly sensitive among the Buddhist population in Rakhine State.>
While the president and government have been rightly criticised for not doing enough to address the Rohingya issue, their position is far ahead of that of the local population and national sentiment. President Obama should encourage Thein Sein to resolve this with greater speed while continuing practical assistance to relieve the suffering and aid the return of those displaced by the violence. But pushing too far and too fast on this complicated issue might not only be a political problem for the Myanmar reformists; if done with too much haste it could trigger a violent backlash against the Rohingya population.

Secondly, the plight of Muslims more generally is linked to but different from the plight of the Rohingya. Outside of Northern Rakhine State, where the Rohingya are mostly found, Myanmar’s Muslim population is highly integrated, culturally and linguistically. The majority have citizenship papers, or could get them. But there is clearly a rising Buddhist Burman nationalism in some segments of society that is specifically targeting Muslims. Some monks are active in both regions in pushing an extremist agenda and carrying out violent attacks. But while there is evidence of local security forces colluding with local elites to attack Rohingya, the violence against Muslims in the heartland, such as the attacks in March in Mandalay, also highlight the inadequate capacity of the police in dealing with such unrest. They need better equipment, training, and supervision as well as an understanding of their role in a democracy.

Finally, the place of minorities and policy towards ethnic armed conflict need their own initiatives. The intercommunal violence is more worrying than the old ethnic conflicts, as in the older insurgencies there is a little-contested path to resolving them. While no one in Myanmar thinks the ethnic peoples should not be part of Myanmar, there is no clear path to resolving the Rohingya issue, and since 2011 their treatment has dramatically worsened. Solving all its ethnic conflicts requires Myanmar to view itself in a new light: as a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious country. Its people need to see this diversity as a strength and learn to be comfortable with it. This would be a departure from the past and the narrow conception of Myanmar as a Burman-Buddhist nation, and it is a vision incompatible with the extremism driving the anti-Muslim violence.

What can the US do? It can stay engaged on a broad range of issues. It can continue to support the peace process, especially as the government seeks an elusive ceasefire with the Kachin armed groups. With China now involved, this requires deft diplomacy rather than public lecturing. Police reform, which the US can help with, is a key part of resolving violence against Muslims. Continued humanitarian support in Rakhine State is vital, as is access to the internally displaced wherever they are. An enduring partnership would involve sustained support for the transition across the spectrum of political interests, and transitional development assistance would expand to include programs for education, health, and the media. Sanctions have passed their use-by date. It is time for conditionality to give way to normality in the US-Myanmar relationship.

Jim Della-Giacoma is the Asia Program Director of the (International Crisis Group.
About the photo: President Barack Obama shakes hands with Myanmar's President Thein Sein at the end of their meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, Monday, May 20, 2013. Thein Sein is the first Myanmar president to be welcomed to the White House in almost 47 years. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

Tuesday, 21 May 2013

Myanmar, US waste a chance

Opinion > Opinion

EDITORIAL

Myanmar, US waste a chance

Published: 21 May 2013 at 00.00
Newspaper section: News

President Thein Sein has visited President Barack Obama at the White House in Washington. The visit is being promoted by both Myanmar and the United States for its symbolism. This is a shame.

These two countries should approach their relations far more seriously than last night's largely ceremonial handshakes and platitudes. The two leaders wasted golden opportunities while dragging out cliches.

Last November, Mr Obama was the first president to visit Myanmar, ever. Now, Thein Sein has become the first Myanmar head of state to make an official visit to Washington since 1966 _ four years into the Myanmar tragedy of military dictatorship. President Thein Sein represents a new era in Myanmar, where democracy is the goal, sanctions are falling away. And so on.

The point is that this official state visit, pageantry and all, is about pleasantries. And the unpleasant fact is that Myanmar today, and its relations with the United States, are getting better at an uneven and often unacceptable pace. Sometimes, they are not getting better at all. Mr Obama and his guest can and will cite all the opportunities for big business in Myanmar. But there is surely more to that country than declaring citizens free to drink Coca Cola and work for KFC.

Before leaving for Washington, Thein Sein committed a hugely cynical task. He signed release papers for 23 political prisoners. That leaves hundreds of political prisoners still in Myanmar jails, and Mr Obama should _ although he will not _ make a big deal about urging Thein Sein to release them all, immediately.

Around the time Thein Sein became president in 2011, the US State Department named Myanmar "a Country of Particular Concern" over religious freedom.

Since then, many aspects of this problem have gone from bad to worse _ and then deteriorated. Buddhist extremists have encouraged murderous raids on Muslim villages and urban areas, killing many Muslims and burning thousands of shops and homes.

This is in addition to the shameful treatment of the Rohingya _ including by Thein Sein's government and by the president himself. Last week, as a cyclone approached western Myanmar and Bangladesh, the president specifically ordered relief work for these beleaguered people. But in general, the treatment of the Rohingya deserves a strong statement from Mr Obama.

For its part, the US is putting a huge effort into helping big business cronies move onto rapidly opening roads to business in Myanmar. Unfortunately, far less attention is paid to the real needs of Myanmar and its citizens. The US could be a major help in fighting the drug trade, such as helping to fund alternative crops and infrastructure that would help farmers get to market.

And since it is not planning to help fight the drug cartels in Myanmar, the US did not spend much time during the Obama-Thein Sein talks in straight talk on the problem its drug traffickers have created.

Myanmar's suspect statement that it cannot act against big processors of heroin and methamphetamines for another five years is unacceptable. But Mr Obama did not say so. It is understandable the US president stressed the positives, but not so acceptable that he mostly ignored the negatives from Myanmar. Thein Sein's visit is important, setting a new standard in relations between the two countries. But totally ignoring his country's human rights violations is a mistake.

Myanmar is a country emerging from 50 years of tyranny. Thein Sein's heart is often in the right place. But the US should not ignore the very real problems which concern Myanmar, its neighbours and its friends.

credit=Bangkok Post

PRESS RELEASE/ THE PUNISHMENT OF SEVEN INNOCENT MUSLIMS OF MIEKHTILA MUST BE REVIEWED BY INTERNATIONAL COURT .IT WAS PRE PLANNED AND MOTIVATED BY NEPYITAW.

Dated 21 May 2013.
Bangkok .

According to our News Monitoring Cell here ,the Buddhist Monk was not killed by the Muslims but by their fellow Buddhists led by Wirathu to blame the Muslim. But the Muslims were heavily punished at this false case to justify genocide in Meikthilar . Non of the killers of Muslims there is not yet seen arrested and punished.

The same created story was regarding innocent Rakhine girl Ma Thidar Thwe rape case in Kyawk Nimow. Infact Ma Thidar Twe was not raped according to medical report. One of the arrested namely Thet Thet was a Rakhine and finally closed his mouth by killing him in the prison. The other two innocent Rohingyas were sentenced hanging to death with in short times. In that connection eight Muslims and a Rohingya couple were mercilessly killed in Taung Gauk . Up to now non of the Rakhine culprits is arrested or punished.

Since June 2012 tens of thousands of Rohingyas were killed but non of the Rakhine is arrested in this connection and punished . One the other hands some innocent Rohingyas including Dr Nurul Hague at were falsely arrested and heavily punished to justify GENOCIDS ON ROHINGYAS.

We have been calling for international inquiry and book the culprits for trail at ICC since genocides started in Arakan. We are again asking urgent UNSC meeting for protection and book for trail all criminals against humanity. All cases and one sided punishment to the Muslims and Rohingyas must be reviewed by International judicial court.

Sincerely,
Maung Kyaw Nu
President,
Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand BRAT.
http://www.rohingyathai.blogspot.com
Please contact to +66(0) 853 690 442

Seven Muslims jailed over violence in Burma's Meiktila

21 May 2013 Last updated at 11:03 GMT

Seven Muslims jailed over violence in Burma's Meiktila

Burmese look for anything to salvage amongst the destruction on 5 April 2012 in Meiktila, Burma

Thousands of Muslims were left homeless after clashes in Meiktila

Burma's Transition

Seven Muslims have been jailed for their role in religious clashes in the Burmese town of Meiktila in March.

One man was jailed for 34 years for killing a monk; the others received sentences ranging from two to 14 years for crimes including unlawful assembly and religious disrespect.

At least 43 people - mostly Muslim - died in the violence that erupted after an argument at a Muslim-owned shop.

So far no Buddhists have been convicted in connection with the deadly clashes.

The monk was knocked down from his motorbike by a group of Muslim men, beaten and killed, according to reports.

A boy of about 15 was also convicted alongside the six Muslim men and sentenced to seven years. He will be detained in a juvenile facility.

Apart from the monk, Meiktila's violence was almost entirely directed against the Muslim minority. It sparked small outbreaks of violence in at least three other towns and left more than 12,000 Muslims displaced.

The owner of the gold shop where the initial argument took place, his wife and an employee were convicted of theft and assault in April.

Despite damning video evidence of Muslim homes and mosques being burnt and people being hacked to death, justice for the Buddhists is proving much slower, reports the BBC's Jonah Fisher.

More than 40 Buddhists are thought to be in prison but a lawyer told the BBC that their court cases were still in their early stages.

The clashes in Meiktila were the worst since ethnic violence in Rakhine state last year, where nearly 200 people were killed and tens of thousands forced from their homes.

The conflict that erupted in Rakhine involved Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, who are not recognised as Burmese citizens.

The communities remain largely segregated in the wake of the violence, with many displaced Rohingya Muslims living in tents or temporary camps.

Saturday, 18 May 2013

Muslims displaced during Meikhtila riots return home

By DAVID GRUNEBAUM
Published: 17 May 2013

A Muslim man, whose shop and house was vandalized tries to do business in Meikhtila

A Muslim man, whose shop and house were vandalized tries to do business in Meikhtila on 25 April 2013. (Reuters)

Thousands of Muslims, who were uprooted during religious riots in central Burma’s Meikhtila in March, have begun to return home despite ongoing hostility and fears for their safety.

“Tears came out of my eyes when I got back home,” says Thidar Hla, 43, who is back on her street in Meikhtila with her family for the first time in more than a month.

She is among some 4,000 Muslims, whose houses survived the March riots and who have slowly begun to trickle back into the city since the start of May.

It’s the first time since the violence – in which more than 800 homes, shops and mosques were razed to the ground by Buddhist mobs – that large numbers of Muslims have begun to return to Meikhtila.
But interviews with local Muslims and Buddhists show that there is still a lot of communal tension.

“We don’t really have trust right now,” said Aung Khin, a 50-year-old Buddhist man. “The Muslims are afraid to trust us and we are afraid to trust them.”

Aung Khin is married with five children between the ages of five and 24. He says he used to buy meat from a Muslim butcher, but now he refuses because he is afraid that his food might be poisoned. He adds that his relationships with old Muslim friends have been strained ever since the riots.
”Before this I had [Muslim] friends but after this we don’t really have to talk,” he said. “It isn’t necessary for us to talk with each other at all, so we don’t communicate with each other at all.”

Three days vicious religious violence flared on 20 March, after an argument in a Muslim owned gold shop escalated and a Buddhist customer was assaulted. But things spiralled out of control when a Buddhist monk was killed.

Soon mobs descended on the streets of Meikhtila. Witnesses claim that police stood by and watched as businesses and mosques were burned down. People were beaten and set on fire. The rioting finally stopped when the military was called in three days later.

But by then, at least 43 people had been killed and nearly 13,000 people displaced. Muslims were heavily outnumbered and suffered the bulk of the casualties.

The unrest in Meikhtila sparked a wave of religious riots across central Burma – often led by Buddhists monks – devastating dozens of townships and villages and spreading fear among Burma’s Muslim minority.

Aung Khin says all Muslims are being blamed for the monk’s murder, even though only a small number were involved with it. Currently six men are on trial and face the death penalty for the killing.
“We respect monks and they have killed a monk so we are always going to remember that in our hearts,” said Aung Khin. “Because one of their group did wrong the whole group got blamed for it.”

Soldiers and police are stationed on the roads of Meikhtila’s Muslim quarters.
“The soldiers are standing guard on each end of the street, so I can sleep soundly,” said Thidar Hlar. But as a precaution, her family is only buying their food from Muslim owned shops. She has also instructed her two kids to stay close to home.

“I was able to do freely whatever I wanted before,” said her daughter, 19-year-old local college student, Hnin Ei Phyu. “But now I don’t really have that freedom anymore.”
Hnin Ei Phyu said she has Buddhist friends at school but says they haven’t tried to contact each other since the riots.

Little has been rebuilt in Meikhtila since March. Across the city, skeletal remains of scorched homes hover eerily amid rubble and ash, although the government has pledged to replace all of the houses thatwere destroyed.

There are people in the community, including Ye Myint Aung, a Buddhist, who are optimistic that relationships between Buddhists and Muslims can be rebuilt quickly. “I welcome the Muslims back,” he said.

But several Buddhists, who refused to give their names and live in neighbourhoods where Muslim homes were burned down, say that they don’t want them back in their neighbourhoods.

The chief justice of the Mandalay region, Ye Aung Myint, told DVB that the final decision on where new homes will be built is yet to be made.

Meanwhile, thousands of displaced Muslims continue to linger in camps outside of the city, waiting to hear when they can return.

credit-dvb

USA proposes $75.4 million aid to Myanmar

18 May 2013

Press Trust of India

WASHINGTON, 18 MAY: To encourage the Myanmar government to continue with its reforms, the USA has proposed $75.4 million for fiscal 2014 in aid to the South East Asian country, a substantial increase of $28.8 million from 2012.

However, some US lawmakers have expressed concerns over such a decision by the Obama administration arguing that this increase in US aid to Myanmar is premature given the plight of the Rohingya Muslims in the country for past several months and continued detention of political prisoners.

“While, we have seen tremendous progress over the course of only two years, Myanmar is fraught with ongoing violence in the ethnic areas which, in many cases, is being perpetrated by the Myanmarese military,” said Congressman Steve Chabot, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific during a Congressional hearing on Thursday.

Mr Chabot and other lawmakers also opposed the idea of giving any military aid to Myanmar at this point of time. “I'm aware that the administration is considering providing military assistance to Myanmar. I believe, with the slow moving reform process and numerous human rights issues, providing military aid is probably premature and may face considerable opposition in this Congress,” Mr Chabot said.

Acknowledging the reforms going on in the country, Mr Chabot said that the visit of Burmese president Thein Sein was premature. “I think President Thein Sein's visit to the White House next week is perhaps a bit premature, while we have seen advances that is too early, in my view, to proclaim a new day in Myanmar,” Mr Chabot said.

Joseph Y Yun, the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, told lawmakers that for the fiscal 2014 the budgetary request expands bilateral funding for Myanmar to $75. 4 million, an increase of $28.8 million from fiscal 2012.

“The USA is supporting a historic political and economic transition in Myanmar and is taking an active role in a country in which we are seeing a great shift with regard to respect for human rights and good governance.

Although many challenges remain in Myanmar, the country's nascent transformation demonstrates the possibility for significant change that exists in the Asia-Pacific region,” he said.

Noting that the budget request for Myanmar is a substantial increase above the fiscal 2012 level, Indian-American Congressman Ami Bera said additional funds will support the country's democratic gains following the dramatic political gains of the past two years.

“The funding will also address humanitarian needs both within and across the Burma's borders, as well as promote national reconciliation of vital issue given to ongoing ethnic conflicts,” he said.

Nisha Biswal, Assistant Administrator USAID, said the USA is looking at more comprehensively how it can support reform and build capacity in that country whether it's through the provision of technical assistance.

Ms Biswal told lawmakers that the USA is not providing any funds through the government of Myanmar.

“We don't believe they have the systems right now to provide the kind of assurance as in accountability and transparency that we would require, nor have we seen sufficient progress at this point for us to put resources directly into that. But we are providing technical assistance to reform minded ministries in Myanmar to help build those transparent systems that will enable down the road if the situation were not for us to be able to support directly,” she said.

Ms Biswal also said the USA is not putting money into Myanmar because it is trying to reward a government. “We're trying to build a relationship with the people that we think have, you know, important needs that we can address,” she argued.

credid-The Statesman

For Immediate Release Burma: New Doubts About Pace of Reforms

For Immediate Release
Burma: New Doubts About Pace of Reforms
Obama Should Press Visiting Burmese President to Keep Past Rights Pledges
(Washington, DC, May 17, 2013) – The United States should use the upcoming visit by Burma’s president to ask tough questions about the slowing pace of human rights reforms and insist on implementation of past commitments, Human Rights Watch said today. President Barack Obama is hosting a visit to Washington, DC, by Burma’s president Thein Sein on May 20-21, 2013.
Six months after Obama’s visit to Burma, key pledges by the Burmese government remain unimplemented or unmet. With large numbers of political prisoners still not released, a May 17 release of about 19 political prisoners appeared to be more politically calculated than a genuine commitment to reform, Human Rights Watch said.
“The last year has seen devastating violence against minorities and a stalled reform process,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “President Obama should insist on steps to prevent further outbreaks of violence. He must also make it clear that there are consequences if the Burmese government fails to implement its previous human rights pledges.”
On November 18, 2012, just before Obama’s visit to Rangoon, Thein Sein issued a set of pledges on key reform issues, including promises to create a commission to review political prisoner cases, invite the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to open offices in Burma, and “expedite its negotiations” with humanitarian organizations for access to conflict-affected areas.
Regarding violence against ethnic Rohingya and other Muslim communities in Burma’s western Arakan State, Thein Sein’s 2012 statement pledged the government would take “decisive action to prevent violent attacks against civilians,” hold perpetrators of abuses accountable, and “address contentious political dimensions, ranging from resettlement of displaced populations to granting of citizenship.”
Six months later, the Burmese government’s implementation of most of these pledges has faltered, Human Rights Watch said. No invitation has been issued to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and negotiations for an agreement to set up an office have made no significant progress. Humanitarian aid organizations remain without full access to conflict areas in Kachin State, where a nearly two-year armed conflict between the Burmese army and Kachin rebels has displaced over 80,000 people, and in eastern Burma, where over 400,000 people are displaced from decades of civil war.
In February, the government formed a Political Prisoner Verification Committee comprising officials, members of Burmese civil society, and former prisoner groups, but the committee has only met three times.
The release of political prisoners on the eve of Thein Sein’s trip was done unilaterally by the president’s office – not through the committee. A political prisoner release in April was the result of a presidential amnesty, and the committee was not even informed in advance.
“Burma’s government still appears to be using political prisoner releases as a public relations tool, rather than to bring an end to politically motivated imprisonment,” Sifton said.
In Arakan State, over 140,000 Rohingya and other Muslims remain in closed displaced person camps, denied freedom of movement, without access to livelihoods, and lacking adequate shelter, humanitarian aid, and basic services. Anti-Muslim violence has continued, and there has been little accountability for local security forces implicated in crimes against humanity committed during a campaign of ethnic cleansing that began last year.
Obama and Thein Sein should acknowledge that persecution of minority Muslims threatens Burma’s reform process, and that the Burmese government should undertake diligent investigations of past violence and persecution, Human Rights Watch said. Thein Sein should also commit to major restructuring of border and police forces and an expedited plan for reintegration and reconciliation of displaced populations.

Human Rights Watch also called on Thein Sein to commit to amending Burma’s 1982 citizenship law to remove discriminatory provisions that effectively deny Rohingya and certain other ethnic groups the ability to obtain citizenship, even when their families have lived in Burma for generations.

Human Rights Watch urged Obama to comment publicly on the Burmese government’s lack of progress on the November pledges, and to press Thein Sein to ensure their implementation.
Both governments should acknowledge that the political reform process is incomplete, and that key milestones of progress will be free and fair parliamentary elections in 2015, along with necessary amendments to the constitution to remove the Burmese military’s constitutional authority over civilian government. This includes removing the military’s authority to appoint 25 percent of the seats in the parliament, and to dismiss the parliament and president.

“There are negative consequences for rights when diplomatic rewards continue even as reforms stall,” Sifton said. “If the US keeps delivering carrots on the same schedule while Burma breaks its promises, Burma’s leaders will conclude that they are no longer under serious international pressure to follow through on reforms.”
Obama and US officials should also make it clear that support for the Burmese military is contingent on Burma meeting strict criteria of human rights improvement, including accountability for past abuses, and constitutional reforms to fully restore civilian rule, Human Rights Watch said.
“The reform process in Burma will ultimately require the military coming under civilian rule and formally and legally stepping aside from politics,” Sifton said. “The reform process by necessity involves the military relinquishing its powers, and both presidents should acknowledge this.”
Related Material: “EU: Press Burma’s President on Rights Reform:”
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/04/eu-press-burma-s-president-rights-reforms
To read the Human Rights Watch report “‘All You Can Do is Pray’: Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Arakan State,” please visit:http://www.hrw.org/reports/2013/04/22/all-you-can-do-pray-0
To read the Human Rights Watch report “‘The Government Could Have Stopped This’: Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State,” please visit:http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/07/31/government-could-have-stopped
For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Burma, please visit:http://www.hrw.org/burma

For more information, please contact:In Washington, DC, John Sifton (English): +1-646-479-2499 (mobile); or siftonj@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @johnsifton
In Washington, DC, Tom Malinowski (English): +1-202-309-3551 (mobile); or malinot@hrw.org
In San Francisco, Brad Adams (English): +1-510-926-8443 (mobile); or adamsb@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @BradAdamsHRW
In Bangkok, Phil Robertson, (English, Thai): +66-85-060-8406 (mobile); or robertp@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @Reaproy

Phil Robertson

Mobile phone: +66-85-060-8406
skype: philrobertsonjr

twitter: @Reaproy
email: Reaproy@gmail.com

Friday, 17 May 2013

Boatpeople Fear 'Certain Death' in Burma

Maung Kyaw Nu's strong stance (comment)

Why the government not allow full working authority to UNHCR to decide Refugee status of these war Refugees ?

Some NGOs and Human Rights workers may try to get release of these Rohingyas as per HELP ON POLICY.This so called HELP ON POLICY is nonsense but only helping Human trafficking. Human traffickers are waiting to get all these 2000 inmates through HELP ON POLICY. They should earn minimum 2000 USD per person x 2000= 4,000,000 (Four Millons USD).This trafficking business has been going since Rohingyas boat people started landing here.

Previously all detainees or Rohingyas reached in Thailand automatically fall at the hands of traffickers. Since end of January to now, unknown Rohingyas fell at the hands of traffickers .

Despite my calling in this regards for many months ,the boat people fate are still uncertain. The UNHCR publicly stated that Rohingyas boat people are not sent back to concentration camps of Burma. UNHCR is expecting Thai gov clear policy to get involve personal protection interview .

As a concerned party ,I will oppose so called HELP ON POLICY this time .

I am again calling to Honorable Prime Minister's good office to halt 'Help on' policy and allow UNHCR free access to determine Refugee status of this fleeing Roingyas from genocides.

Posted by Maung Kyaw Nu,President,Burmese Rohingya Association in Thailand ,BRAT on May 17, 2013 00:52

A Rohingya woman cries after her apprehension on Phuket

Photo by phuketwan.com

Boatpeople Fear 'Certain Death' in Burma

By Chutima Sidasathian

Thursday, May 16, 2013

PHUKET: A group of senior national officials has been checking on conditions in which Rohingya boatpeople are being detained in Thailand.

Member of Parliament Samas Nalulem, who is also a member of the Border Affairs Commission, visited the women and children being held in a Phuket family refuge yesterday.

It's believed the Phuket visit is just one of several to refuges and Immigration detention centres where about 2000 Rohingya men, women and children are being held throughout Thailand.

Three women and 17 children are being held on Phuket at the family centre together with a group of men in detention in cells at Phuket Immigration in Phuket City.

Teenage boys have absconded from the Phuket family centre and from a larger family centre in Phang Nga, the province north of Phuket, where 72 women and children remain.

According to a source based in Surat Thani, where Rohingya are also being held, concern among all detainees is mounting as the six-month deadline draws closer for a decision on the status and future of the boatpeople being held in Thailand.

Six weeks remain in the original six-months timeframe set by the Thai Government. Officials from Burma are believed to have suggested that Burma would be willing to take back the Rohingya.

The detainees would have preferred to have been ''helped on'' to Malaysia, which was Thailand's policy before raids on secret border camps and the apprehension of several boats off the Thai coast through January.

The Surat Thani source told Phuketwan today: ''Rohingya here are in tears and horrified at the thought they might be sent back to Burma.

''They would rather take their chances in Thailand than go back to what they believe would be certain death in Burma.''

For the first time, women and children joined Rohingya men in fleeing to sea this October-April ''sailing season'' because they had been torched from their homes by their Buddhist neighbors in Rakhine state.

Most of the 140,000 homeless Rohingya in Rakhine state have been herded into shanty camps for displaced persons where life has become even harder and less promising.

Although a party from the Australian embassy is also reported to have visited Rohingya in detention on Phuket, in Phang Nga and in Ranong, no other options exist at present for the captive boatpeople.